Scroll I. Attica

{1.1.1} On the Greek* [1] mainland facing the Cyclades Islands and the Aegean Sea the promontory of Sounion juts out from the land of Attica.* [2] When you have rounded the promontory* [3] you see a harbor and a temple to Athena of Sounion on the peak of the promontory. Farther on is Laurion, where once the Athenians had silver mines, and a small uninhabited island called the Island of Patroklos.* [4] For a fortification was built on it and a palisade constructed by Patroklos, who was admiral in command of the Egyptian trireme ships sent by Ptolemy, son of Ptolemy, son of Lagos, to help the Athenians, when Antigonos, son of Demetrios, was ravaging their country, which he had invaded with an army, and at the same time was blockading them by sea with a fleet. [5]
{1.1.2} The Peiraieus was a deme [dēmos] from early times, though it was not a seaport [epineion] before Themistokles* [6] became an archon [arkhōn]* [7] of the Athenians. [8] Their seaport [epi-neion] was Phaleron, for at this place the sea comes nearest to Athens, and from here men say that Menestheus set sail with his fleet for Troy,* [9] and before him Theseus,* [10] when he went to give compensation to Minos* [11] for the death of Androgeos.* [12] But when Themistokles became archon [arkhōn], since he thought that the Peiraieus was more conveniently situated for those who sail, and had three harbors [limenes] as against one at Phaleron, he made it the Athenian seaport [epi-neion].* [13] Even up to my time there were ship-sheds [neōs oikoi] there,* [14] and near the largest harbor [limēn] is the tomb of Themistokles.* [15] For it is said that the Athenians repented of their treatment of Themistokles, and that his relatives took up his bones and brought them from Magnesia.* [16] And the children of Themistokles certainly returned [to Athens] and set up in the Parthenon* [17] a painting, on which is a portrait of Themistokles.* [18]
{1.1.3} The most noteworthy sight in the Peiraieus is a precinct of Athena and Zeus. Both their statues [agalmata]are of bronze; Zeus holds a scepter and a Nike, Athena a spear. Here is a portrait of Leosthenes and of his sons, painted by Arkesilaos. This Leosthenes at the head of the Athenians and the united Greeks defeated the Macedonians in Boeotia and again outside Thermopylae forced them into Lamia over against Oitē, and hemmed them in there. [19] The portrait is in the long portico, where stands a marketplace for those living near the sea—those farther away from the harbor have another—but behind the portico near the sea stand a Zeus and a Demos, the work of Leokhares. And by the sea Konon [20] built a sanctuary of Aphrodite, after he had crushed the Lacedaemonian warships off Knidos in the Carian peninsula. [21] For the people of Knidos hold Aphrodite in very great honor, and they have sanctuaries of the goddess; the oldest is to her as Doritis [‘Bountiful’], the next in age as Akraia [‘of the Height’], while the newest is to the Aphrodite called ‘of Knidos’ by men generally, but Euploia (‘Good Sailing’) by the people of Knidos themselves.
{1.1.4} The Athenians have also another harbor, at Mounukhia, with a temple of Artemis of Mounukhia, and yet another at Phaleron, as I have already stated, and near it is a sanctuary of Demeter. Here there is also a temple of Athena Skiras, and one of Zeus some distance away, and altars of the gods named Unknown, and of heroes,* [22] and of the children of Theseus and Phaleros; for this Phaleros is said by the Athenians to have sailed with Jason to Kolkhis.* [23] There is also an altar of Androgeos, son of Minos, though it is called that of Hērōs;* [24] those, however, who pay special attention to the study of their local antiquities know that it belongs to Androgeos.* [25]
{1.1.5} Twenty stadium-lengths away is the promontory called Kōlias; on to it, when the Persian fleet was destroyed, the wreckage was carried down by the waves. There is here a statue [agalma] of the Aphrodite surnamed Kōlias, with the goddesses Genetyllides (goddesses of Birth), as they are called. And I am of opinion that the goddesses of the people of Phokaia in Ionia, whom they call Gennaides, are the same as those at Kōlias.* [26] On the way from Phaleron to Athens there is a temple of Hērā with neither doors nor roof. Men say that Mardonios, son of Gobryas, burned it. But the statue [agalma] there today is, as report goes, the work of Alkamenes. [27] So that this, at any rate, cannot have been damaged by the Persians.
{1.2.1} On entering the city* [28] there is a monument to Antiope* [29] the Amazon. This Antiope, Pindar says, was carried of by Peirithoös and Theseus, but Hegias of Troizen gives the following account of her. Hēraklēs was besieging Themiskyra on the Thermodon, but could not take it, but Antiope, falling in love with Theseus,* [30] who was aiding Hēraklēs in his campaign, surrendered the stronghold. Such is the account of Hegias. But the Athenians assert that when the Amazons came, Antiope was shot by Molpadia, while Molpadia was killed by Theseus. To Molpadia also there is a monument among the Athenians.
{1.2.2} As you go up from the Peiraieus you see the ruins of the walls which Konon restored after the naval battle off Knidos. For those built by Themistokles after the retreat of the Persians were destroyed during the rule of those named the Thirty. [31] * Along the road are very famous tombs, that of Menander, son of Diopeithes, and a cenotaph of Euripides.* [32] He himself went to King Arkhelaos and lies buried in Macedonia; as to the manner of his death (many have described it), let it be as they say.
{1.2.3} So even in his time poets lived at the courts of kings, as earlier still Anacreon consorted with Polykrates, tyrant of Samos, and Aeschylus and Simonides journeyed to Hieron at Syracuse. Dionysius, afterwards tyrant in Sicily, had Philoxenos at his court, and Antigonos, [33] ruler of Macedonia, had Antagoras of Rhodes and Aratos of Soloi.* [34] But Hesiod and Homer either failed to win the society of kings or else purposely despised it, Hesiod through boorishness and reluctance to travel, while Homer, having gone very far abroad, considered the help afforded by the powerful in the acquisition of wealth to be less important than his reputation among ordinary men.* [35] And yet Homer, too, in what he composed makes Demodokos live at the court of Alkinoos, and Agamemnon leave a poet with his wife.* [36] Not far from the gates is a tomb, on which is mounted a soldier standing by a horse. Who it is I do not know, but both horse and soldier were carved by Praxiteles.
{1.2.4} On entering the city there is a building for the preparation of the processions, which are held in some cases every year, in others at longer intervals. Close by is a temple of Demeter, with statues [agalmata] of the goddess herself and of her daughter, and of Iakkhos holding a torch. On the wall, in Attic letters, is written that they are works of Praxiteles. Not far from the temple is Poseidon on horseback, hurling a spear against the giant Polybotes, concerning whom is prevalent among the people of Kos the story about the promontory of Khelone. [37] But the inscription of our time assigns the statue to another, and not to Poseidon. From the gate to the Kerameikos there are porticoes, and in front of them bronze statues of such as had some title to fame, both men and women.
{1.2.5} One of the porticoes contains shrines of gods, and a gymnasium called that of Hermes. In it is the house of Poulytion, at which it is said that a mystical rite was performed by the most notable Athenians, parodying the Eleusinian mysteries.* [38] But in my time it was devoted to the worship of Dionysus. This Dionysus they call Melpomenos [singing and dancing], on the same principle as they call Apollo Mousegetes (Leader of the Muses). Here there are statues [agalma] of Athena Paionia (Healer), of Zeus, of Mnemosyne (Memory) and of the Muses, an Apollo, the votive offering and work of Euboulides, and Akratos, a superhuman force [daimōn]* [39] attendant of Apollo; it is only a face of him worked into the wall. After the precinct of Apollo is a building that contains terracotta statues [agalmata] : Amphiktyon, king of Athens, hosting Dionysus and other gods at a feast.* [40] Here also is Pegasos of Eleutherai, who introduced the god to the Athenians.* [41] In this he was helped by the oracle at Delphi, which called to mind that the god once dwelled in Athens in the days of Ikarios.* [42]
[1.2.6} Amphiktyon won the kingdom thus. It is said that Aktaios was the first king of what is now Attica. When he died, Kekrops, the son-in-law of Aktaios, received the kingdom, and there were born to him daughters, Herse, Aglauros and Pandrosos, and a son Erysikhthon. This son did not become king of the Athenians, but happened to die while his father lived, and the kingdom of Kekrops fell to Kranaos, the most powerful of the Athenians. They say that Kranaos had daughters, and among them Atthis; and from her they call the region Attica, which before was named Aktaia. And Amphiktyon, rising up against Kranaos, although he had his daughter as wife, deposed him from power. Afterwards he himself was banished by Erikhthonios and his fellow rebels. Men say that Erikhthonios had no human father, but that his parents were Hephaistos and Earth [Gē].* [43]
{1.3.1} The district of the Kerameikos has its name from the hero Keramos, he too being the reputed son of Dionysus and Ariadne.* [44] First on the right is what is called the Royal Portico [Stoa], where sits the king when holding the yearly office called the kingship. On the tiling of this portico are statues [agalmata] of terracotta, Theseus throwing Skiron into the sea and Day [Hemera] carrying away Kephalos, who they say was very beautiful and was ravished by Day, who was in love with him. His son was Phaethon (afterwards ravished by Aphrodite)… and made a guardian of her temple. Such is the tale told by Hesiod, among others, in his epos {plural} on women.* [45]
{1.3.2} Near the portico stand Konon, Timotheus his son, and Euagoras, [46] King of Cyprus, who caused the Phoenician trireme ships to be given to Konon by King Artaxerxes. This he did as an Athenian whose ancestry connected him with Salamis, for he traced his pedigree back to Teukros and the daughter of Kinyras. Here stands Zeus, called Zeus Eleutherios (of Freedom), and the Emperor Hadrian, a benefactor to all under his imperial rule and especially to the city of the Athenians.* [47]
{1.3.3} A portico is built behind with images of the gods called the Twelve.* [48] On the wall opposite are painted [graphein] Theseus, Democracy, and Demos. The painting [graphē] represents Theseus as the one who gave the Athenians political equality.* [49] By other means also has the report spread among men that Theseus bestowed sovereignty upon the people, and that from his time they continued under a democratic government, until Peisistratos* [50] rose up and became tyrant. [51] But there are many false beliefs* [52] current among the mass of humankind, since they are ignorant of historical science and consider trustworthy whatever they have heard from childhood in choruses and tragedies; one of these is about Theseus, who in fact himself became king, and afterwards, when Menestheus was dead,* [53] the descendants of Theseus remained rulers even to the fourth generation. But if I cared about tracing the pedigree I should have included in the list, besides these, the kings from Melanthos to Kleidikos the son of Aisimides.
{1.3.4} Here is a painting [graphein] of the exploit, near Mantineia, of the Athenians who were sent to help the Lacedaemonians. [54] Xenophon among others has written a history of the whole war—the taking of the Kadmeia, the defeat of the Lacedaemonians at Leuktra, how the Boeotians invaded the Peloponnesus, and the contingent sent to the Lacedaemonians from the Athenians. In the painting [graphē] is a cavalry battle, in which the most famous men are, among the Athenians, Grylos the son of Xenophon, and in the Boeotian cavalry, Epameinondas the Theban. These pictures were painted for the Athenians by Euphranor, and he also made the Apollo surnamed Patrōos [‘Ancestral’] in the temple close by. And in front of the temple is one Apollo made by Leokhares; the other Apollo, called Alexikakos (Averter of evil), was made by Kalamis. They say that the god received this name because by an oracle from Delphi he stopped the pestilence which afflicted the Athenians at the time of the Peloponnesian War. [55]
{1.3.5} Here is built also a sanctuary of the Mother of the gods; the image is by Pheidias. [56] Close by is the council chamber of those called the Five Hundred, who are the Athenian councilors for a year. In it are a wooden figure of Zeus Counselor and an Apollo, the work of Peisias, [57] and a Demos by Lyson. The thesmothetai (lawgivers) were painted by Protogenes [58] of Kaunos, and Olbiades [59] portrayed Kallippos, who led the Athenians to Thermopylae to stop the incursion of the Gauls into Greece. [60] * [61]
{1.4.1} These Gauls inhabit the most remote portion of Europe, near a great sea that is not navigable to its extremities, and possesses ebb and flow and creatures quite unlike those of other seas. Through their country flows the river Eridanos, on the bank of which the daughters of Hēlios [‘Sun’] are supposed to lament the fate that befell their brother Phaethon. It was late before the name (….) came into vogue; for anciently they were called Celts both among themselves and by others. An army of them gathered and turned towards the Ionian Sea, dispossessed the Illyrian people, all who dwelled as far as Macedonia with the Macedonians themselves, and overran Thessaly. And when they drew near to Thermopylae, the Greeks in general made no move to prevent the inroad of the barbarians, since previously they had been severely defeated by Alexander and Philip. Further, Antipatros and Kassandros [62] afterwards crushed the Greeks, so that through weakness each state thought it was not shameful to take no part in the defense of the country.
{1.4.2} But the Athenians, although they were more exhausted than any of the Greeks by the long Macedonian war, and had been generally unsuccessful in their battles, nevertheless set forth to Thermopylae with such Greeks as joined them, having made the Kallippos I mentioned their general. Occupying the pass where it was narrowest, they tried to keep the foreigners from entering Greece; but the Celts, having discovered the path by which Ephialtes of Trakhis once led the Persians, [63] overwhelmed the men of Phokis stationed there and crossed Oitē unperceived by the Greeks.
{1.4.3} Then it was that the Athenians put the Greeks under the greatest obligation, and although outflanked offered resistance to the foreigners on two sides. But the Athenians on the fleet suffered most, for the Lamian gulf is a swamp near Thermopylae—the reason being, I think, the hot water that here runs into the sea. These then were more distressed; for taking the Greeks on board they were forced to sail through the mud weighted as they were by arms and men.
{1.4.4} So they tried to save Greece in the way described, but the Gauls, now south of the Gates, cared not at all to capture the other towns, but were very eager to sack Delphi and the treasures of the god. They were opposed by the Delphians themselves and by the men of Phokis who originated from the cities around Mount Parnassus; a force of Aetolians also joined the defenders, for the Aetolians at this time were preeminent for their vigorous resistance. When the forces engaged, not only were thunderbolts and rocks broken off from Parnassus hurled against the Gauls, but terrifying shapes that looked like armed warriors appeared to the foreigners. They say that two of these apparitions, Hyperokhos and Amadokos, came from the Hyperboreans, and that the third was Pyrrhos son of Achilles.* [64] Because of this help in battle the Delphians sacrifice to Pyrrhos as to a hero, although formerly they held even his tomb in dishonor, as being that of an enemy. [65]
{1.4.5} The greater number of the Gauls crossed over to Asia by ship and plundered its coasts. Some time after, the inhabitants of Pergamon, that was called of old Teuthrania, drove the Gauls into it from the sea. Now this people occupied the country on the farther side of the river Sangarios capturing Ankyra, a city of the Phrygians, which Midas son of Gordios had founded in former time. And the anchor [ankura], which Midas found, [66] was even as late as my time in the sanctuary of Zeus, as well as a spring called the Spring of Midas, water from which they say Midas mixed with wine to capture Silenos. Well then, the Pergamenes took Ankyra and Pessinos which lies under Mount Agdistis, where they say that Attis lies buried.
{1.4.6} They [= the Pergamenes] have spoils from the Gauls, and a painting, which portrays their deed against them. The land they dwell in was, they say, in ancient times sacred to the Kabeiroi, and they claim that they are themselves Arcadians, being of those who crossed into Asia with Telephos. Of the wars that they have waged no account has been published to the world, except that they have accomplished three most notable achievements; the subjection of the coast region of Asia, the expulsion of the Gauls from there, and the exploit of Telephos against the followers of Agamemnon, at a time when the Greeks, after failing to reach Troy, were plundering the plain called Mēion, thinking it Trojan territory.* [67] Now I will return from my digression.
{1.5.1} Near to the Council Chamber of the Five Hundred is what is called Tholos (Round House); here the presidents [prutaneis] sacrifice, and there are a few small statues [agalmata] made of silver. Farther up stand statues of heroes, from whom afterwards the Athenian subdivisions [phulai]* [68] received their names. Who the man was who established ten phulai instead of four, and changed their old names to new ones—all this is told by Herodotus. [69]
{1.5.2} The eponymous heroes [epōnumoi] [70] * [71] —this is the name given to them—are Hippothoön son of Poseidon and Alope daughter of Kerkyon, Antiokhos, one of the children of Hēraklēs borne to him by Meda daughter of Phylas, thirdly, Ajax son of Telamon, and to the Athenians belongs Leos, who is said to have given up his daughters, at the command of the oracle, for the safety of the commonwealth. Among the eponymous heroes [epōnumoi] is Erekhtheus, who conquered the Eleusinians in battle, and killed their general, Immarados the son of Eumolpos. There is Aigeus also and Oineus the bastard son of Pandion, and Akamas, one of the children of Theseus.
{1.5.3} I saw also among the eponymous heroes [epōnumoi]statues of Kekrops and Pandion, but I do not know who of those names are thus honored. For there was an earlier ruler Kekrops* [72] who took to wife the daughter of Aktaios, and a later—he it was who migrated to Euboea* [73] —son of Erekhtheus, son of Pandion, son of Erikhthonios. And there was a king Pandion who was son of Erikhthonios, and another who was son of Kekrops the second.* [74] This man was deposed from his kingdom by the Metionidai, and when he fled to Megara—for he had as wife the daughter of Pylas king of Megara—his children were banished with him. And Pandion is said to have fallen ill there and died, and on the coast of the region of Megara is his tomb, on the rock called the rock of Athena the Aithuia.* [75]
{1.5.4} But his children expelled the Metionidai, and returned from banishment at Megara, and Aigeus, as the eldest, became king of the Athenians. But in rearing daughters Pandion was unlucky, nor did they leave any sons to avenge him. And yet it was for the sake of power that he made the marriage alliance with the king of Thrace. But there is no way for a mortal to overstep what the deity thinks fit to send. They say that Tereus, though wedded to Proknē, dishonored Philomēlā, thereby transgressing Greek custom, and further, having violated her body, constrained the women to avenge her.* [76] There is another statue, well worth seeing, of Pandion on the Acropolis.* [77]
{1.5.5} These are the Athenian eponymous heroes who belong to the ancients. [78] And of later date than these they have phulai named after the following, Attalos [79] the Mysian and Ptolemy the Egyptian, [80] and within my own time* [81] the emperor Hadrian, [82] who was extremely religious in the respect he paid to the deity and contributed very much to the happiness of his various subjects.* [83] He never voluntarily entered upon a war, but he reduced the Hebrews beyond Syria, who had rebelled. [84] As for the sanctuaries of the gods that in some cases he built from the beginning, in others adorned with offerings and furniture, and the bounties he gave to Greek cities, and sometimes even to foreigners who asked him, all these acts are inscribed in his honor in the sanctuary at Athens common to all the gods.
{1.6.1} But as to the history of Attalos and Ptolemy, it is more ancient in point of time, so that tradition no longer remains, and those who lived with these kings for the purpose of chronicling their deeds fell into neglect even before tradition failed.* [85] So it occurred to me to narrate their deeds also, and how the sovereignty of Egypt, of the Mysians, and of the neighboring peoples fell into the hands of their fathers.
{1.6.2} [86] The Macedonians consider Ptolemy to be the son of Philip, the son of Amyntas, though putatively the son of Lagos, asserting that his mother was pregnant when she was married off to Lagos by Philip. And among the distinguished acts of Ptolemy in Asia they mention that it was he who, of Alexander’s companions, was foremost in helping him when in danger among the Oxydrakai. After the death of Alexander, [87] by withstanding those who would have conferred all his empire upon Aridaios, the son of Philip, he became chiefly responsible for the division of the various nations into the kingdoms.
{1.6.3} He crossed over to Egypt in person, and killed Kleomenes, whom Alexander had appointed satrap of that country, considering him a friend of Perdikkas, and therefore not faithful to himself; and the Macedonians who had been entrusted with the task of carrying the corpse of Alexander to Aigai, he persuaded to hand it over to him. And he proceeded to entomb it with Macedonian rites in Memphis, but, knowing that Perdikkas would make war, he kept Egypt garrisoned.* [88] And Perdikkas took Aridaios, son of Philip, and the boy Alexander, whom Rōxanē, daughter of Oxyartes, had borne to Alexander, to lend color to the campaign, but really he was plotting to take from Ptolemy his kingdom in Egypt. But being expelled from Egypt, and having lost his reputation as a soldier, and being in other respects unpopular with the Macedonians, he was put to death by his bodyguard.
{1.6.4} The death of Perdikkas immediately raised Ptolemy to power, who both reduced the Syrians and Phoenicia, and also welcomed Seleukos, son of Antiokhos, who was in exile, having been expelled by Antigonos; he further himself prepared to attack Antigonos. He prevailed on Kassandros, son of Antipatros, and Lysimakhos, who was king in Thrace, to join in the war, urging that Seleukos was in exile and that the growth of the power of Antigonos was dangerous to them all.
{1.6.5} For a time Antigonos prepared for war, and was by no means confident of the issue; but on learning that the revolt of Cyrene had called Ptolemy to Libya, he immediately reduced the Syrians and Phoenicians by a sudden attack, handed them over to Demetrios, his son, a man who for all his youth had already a reputation for good sense, and went down to the Hellespont. But he led his army back without crossing, on hearing that Demetrios had been overcome by Ptolemy in battle. But Demetrios had not altogether evacuated the country before Ptolemy, and having surprised a force of Egyptians, killed a few of them. Then on the arrival of Antigonos Ptolemy did not wait for him but returned to Egypt.
{1.6.6} When the winter was over, Demetrios sailed to Cyprus and overcame in a naval action Menelaos,* [89] the satrap of Ptolemy, and afterwards Ptolemy himself, who had crossed to bring help. Ptolemy fled to Egypt, where he was besieged by Antigonos on land and by Demetrios with a fleet. In spite of his extreme peril Ptolemy saved his empire by making a stand with an army at Pēlousion while offering resistance with warships from the river. Antigonos now abandoned all hope of reducing Egypt, under the circumstances, and dispatched Demetrios against the Rhodians with a fleet and a large army, hoping, if the island were won, to use it as a base against the Egyptians. But the Rhodians displayed daring and ingenuity in the face of the besiegers, while Ptolemy helped them with all the forces he could muster.
{1.6.7} Antigonos thus failed to reduce Egypt or, later, Rhodes, and shortly afterwards he offered battle to Lysimakhos, and to Kassandros and the army of Seleukos, lost most of his forces, and was himself killed, having suffered most by reason of the length of the war with Eumenes. Of the kings who put down Antigonos I hold that the most wicked was Kassandros, who although he had recovered the throne of Macedonia with the aid of Antigonos, nevertheless came to fight against a benefactor.
{1.6.8} After the death of Antigonos, Ptolemy again reduced the Syrians and Cyprus, and also restored Pyrrhos to Thesprotia on the mainland. Cyrene rebelled; but Magas, the son of Berenikē (who was at this time married to Ptolemy) captured Cyrene in the fifth year of the rebellion. If this Ptolemy really was the son of Philip, son of Amyntas, he must have inherited from his father his passion for women, for, while wedded to Eurydikē, the daughter of Antipatros, although he had children he took a fancy to Berenikē, whom Antipatros had sent to Egypt with Eurydikē. He fell in love with this woman and had children by her, and when his end drew near he left the kingdom of Egypt to Ptolemy (from whom the Athenians name their phulē) being the son of Berenikē and not of the daughter of Antipatros.
{1.7.1} This Ptolemy fell in love with Arsinoe, his full sister, and married her, violating Macedonian custom in doing so, but following that of his Egyptian subjects. Secondly he put to death his brother Argaios, who was, it is said, plotting against him; and he it was who brought down from Memphis the corpse of Alexander.* [90] He put to death another brother also, son of Eurydikē, on discovering that he was creating disaffection among the Cypriotes. Then Magas, the half-brother of Ptolemy, who had been entrusted with the governorship of Cyrene by his mother Berenikē—she had borne him to Philip, a Macedonians but of no note and of lowly origin—induced the people of Cyrene to revolt from Ptolemy and marched against Egypt.
{1.7.2} Ptolemy fortified the entrance into Egypt and awaited the attack of the Cyrenaeans. But while on the march Magas was informed that the Marmaridai, a tribe of Libyan nomads, had revolted, and thereupon fell back upon Cyrene. Ptolemy resolved to pursue, but was checked owing to the following circumstance. When he was preparing to meet the attack of Magas, he engaged mercenaries, including some four thousand Gauls. Discovering that they were plotting to seize Egypt, he led them through the river to a deserted island. There they perished at one another’s hands or by famine.
{1.7.3} Magas, who was married to Apame, daughter of Antiokhos, son of Seleukos, persuaded Antiokhos to break the treaty that his father Seleukos had made with Ptolemy and to attack Egypt. When Antiokhos resolved to attack, Ptolemy dispatched forces against all the subjects of Antiokhos, freebooters to overrun the lands of the weaker, and an army to hold back the stronger, so that Antiokhos never had an opportunity of attacking Egypt. I have already stated how this Ptolemy sent a fleet to help the Athenians against Antigonos and the Macedonians, but it did very little to save Athens. His children were by Arsinoe, not his sister, but the daughter of Lysimakhos. His sister who had wedded him happened to die before this, leaving no issue, and there is in Egypt a district called Arsinoites after her.
{1.8.1} It is pertinent to add here a report about Attalos, because he too is one of the Athenian eponymous heroes [epōnumoi]. A Macedonian of the name of Dokimos, a general of Antigonos, who afterwards surrendered both himself and his property to Lysimakhos, had a Paphlagonian eunuch called Philetairos. All that Philetairos did to further the revolt from Lysimakhos, and how he won over Seleukos, will form an episode in my account of Lysimakhos. Attalos, however, son of Attalos and nephew of Philetairos, received the kingdom from his cousin Eumenes, who handed it over. The greatest of his achievements was his forcing the Gauls to withdraw from the seacoast into the region that they still hold.
{1.8.2} After the statues [eikónes] of the eponymous heroes [epōnumoi] come statues [agalmata] of gods, Amphiaraos, and Eirene (Peace) carrying the boy Ploutos (Wealth). Here stands a bronze figure of Lycurgus (Lukourgos), [91] son of Lykophron, and of Kallias,* [92] who, as most of the Athenians say, brought about the peace between the Greeks and Artaxerxes, son of Xerxes. [93] Here also is Demosthenes, whom the Athenians forced to retire to Kalaureia, the island off Troizen, and then, after receiving him back, banished again after the disaster at Lamia.
{1.8.3} Exiled for the second time [94] Demosthenes crossed once more to Kalaureia, and committed suicide there by taking poison, being the only Greek exile whom Arkhias failed to bring back to Antipatros and the Macedonians. This Arkhias was a man from Thourioi who undertook the abominable task of bringing to Antipatros for punishment those who had opposed the Macedonians before the Greeks met with their defeat in Thessaly. Such was Demosthenes’ reward for his great devotion to Athens. I heartily agree with the remark that no man who has unsparingly thrown himself into politics trusting in the loyalty of the democracy has ever met with a happy death.* [95]
{1.8.4} Near the statue of Demosthenes is a sanctuary of Ares, where are placed two statues [agalmata] of Aphrodite, one of Ares made by Alkamenes, and one of Athena made by a man from Paros by the name of Lokros. There is also a statue [agalma] of Enyo, made by the sons of Praxiteles. About the temple stand images of Hēraklēs, Theseus, Apollo binding his hair with a fillet, and statues of Kalades, [96] who it is said framed laws [97] for the Athenians, and of Pindar, the statue being one of the rewards the Athenians gave him for praising them in an ode.
{1.8.5} Close by stand statues of Harmodios and Aristogeiton, who killed Hipparkhos. [98] The reason of this act and the method of its execution have been related by others; of the figures some were made by Kritios [99] , the old ones being the work of Antenor. When Xerxes took Athens after the Athenians had abandoned the city he took away these statues also among the spoils, but they were afterwards restored to the Athenians by Antiokhos.
{1.8.6} Before the entrance of the theater which they call the Odeum [ōideion] are statues of Egyptian kings. They are all alike called Ptolemy, but each has his own surname. For they call one Philometor, and another Philadelphos, while the son of Lagos is called Soter, a name given him by the Rhodians. Of these, Philadelphos is he whom I have mentioned before among the eponymous heroes [epōnumoi], and near him is a statue of his sister Arsinoe.
{1.9.1} The one called Philometor is eighth in descent from Ptolemy son of Lagos, and his surname was given him in sArkastic mockery, for we know of none of the kings who was so hated by his mother. Although he was the eldest of her children she would not allow him to be called to the throne, but prevailed on his father before the call came to send him to Cyprus. Among the reasons assigned for Kleopatra’s enmity towards her son is her expectation that Alexander the younger of her sons would prove more subservient, and this consideration induced her to urge the Egyptians to choose Alexander as king.
{1.9.2} When the people offered opposition, she dispatched Alexander for the second time to Cyprus, ostensibly as general, but really because she wished by his means to make Ptolemy more afraid of her. Finally she covered with wounds those eunuchs she thought best disposed, and presented them to the people, making out that she was the victim of Ptolemy’s machinations, and that he had treated the eunuchs in such a fashion. The people of Alexandria rushed to kill Ptolemy, and when he escaped on board a ship, made Alexander, who returned from Cyprus, their king.
{1.9.3} Retribution for the exile of Ptolemy came upon Kleopatra, for she was put to death by Alexander, whom she herself had made to be king of the Egyptians. When the deed was discovered, and Alexander fled in fear of the citizens, Ptolemy returned and for the second time assumed control of Egypt. He made war against the Thebans, who had revolted, reduced them two years after the revolt, and treated them so cruelly that they were left not even a memorial of their former prosperity, which had so grown that they surpassed in wealth the richest of the Greeks, the sanctuary of Delphi and of the people of Orkhomenos. Shortly after this Ptolemy met with his appointed fate, and the Athenians, who had been benefited by him in many ways, which I need not stop to relate, set up a bronze likeness of him and of Berenikē, his only legitimate child.
{1.9.4} After the Egyptians come statues of Philip and of his son Alexander. The events of their lives were too important to form a mere digression in another story. Now the Egyptians had their honors bestowed upon them out of genuine respect and because they were benefactors, but it was rather the sycophancy of the people that gave them to Philip and Alexander, since they set up a statue to Lysimakhos also not so much out of goodwill as because they thought to serve their immediate ends.
{1.9.5} This Lysimakhos was a Macedonian by birth and one of Alexander’s body-guards, whom Alexander once in anger shut up in a chamber with a lion, and afterwards found that he had overpowered the brute. Henceforth he always treated him with respect, and honored him as much as the noblest Macedonians. After the death of Alexander, Lysimakhos ruled such of the Thracians, who are neighbors of the Macedonians, as had been under the sway of Alexander and before him of Philip. These would comprise but a small part of Thrace. If populations be compared with populations no people except the Celts are more numerous than the Thracians taken all together, and for this reason no one before the Romans reduced the whole Thracian population. But the Romans have subdued all Thrace, and they also hold such Celtic territory as is worth possessing, but they have intentionally overlooked the parts that they consider useless through excessive cold or barrenness.
{1.9.6} Then Lysimakhos made war against his neighbors, first the Odrysai, secondly the Getai and their king Dromikhaites. Engaging with men not unversed in warfare and far his superiors in number, he himself escaped from a position of extreme danger, but his son Agathokles, who was serving with him then for the first time, was taken prisoner by the Getai. Lysimakhos met with other reverses afterwards, and attaching great importance to the capture of his son made peace with Dromikhaites, yielding to the king of the Getai the parts of his empire beyond the Istros, and, chiefly under compulsion, giving him his daughter in marriage. Others say that not Agathokles but Lysimakhos himself was taken prisoner, regaining his liberty when Agathokles treated with the king of the Getai on his behalf. On his return he married to Agathokles Lysandra, the daughter of Ptolemy, son of Lagos, and of Eurydikē.
{1.9.7} He also crossed with a fleet to Asia and helped to overthrow the empire of Antigonos. [100] He founded also the modern city of Ephesos as far as the coast, bringing to it as settlers people of Lebedos and Kolophon,* [101] after destroying their cities, so that the iambic poet Phoenix composed a lament for the capture of Kolophon. Mermesianax, the elegiac writer, was, I think, no longer living, otherwise he too would certainly have been moved by the taking of Kolophon to write a dirge. Lysimakhos also went to war with Pyrrhos, son of Aiakidēs. Waiting for his departure from Epeiros (Pyrrhos was of a very roving disposition) he ravaged Epeiros until he reached the royal tombs.
{1.9.8} The next part of the story is incredible to me, but Hieronymos of Kardia [102] relates that he destroyed the tombs and cast out the bones of the dead. But this Hieronymos has a reputation generally of being biased against all the kings except Antigonos, and of being unfairly partial towards him. As to the treatment of the tombs of the people of Epeiros, it is perfectly plain that it was malice that made him record that a Macedonian desecrated the tombs of the dead. Besides, Lysimakhos was surely aware that they were the ancestors not of Pyrrhos only but also of Alexander. In fact Alexander was a native of Epeiros and descended from the lineage of the Aiakidai on his mother’s side, and the subsequent alliance between Pyrrhos and Lysimakhos proves that even as enemies they were not irreconcilable. Possibly Hieronymos had grievances against Lysimakhos, especially his destroying the city of the people of Kardia and founding Lysimakheia in its stead on the isthmus of the Thracian Chersonesus.
{1.10.1} As long as Aridaios reigned, and after him Kassandros and his sons, friendly relations continued between Lysimakhos and Macedon. But when the kingdom devolved upon Demetrios, son of Antigonos, Lysimakhos, henceforth expecting that war would be declared upon him by Demetrios, resolved to take aggressive action. He was aware that Demetrios inherited a tendency to aggrandize, and he also knew that he visited Macedonia at the summons of Alexander and Kassandros, and on his arrival murdered Alexander himself [103] and ruled the Macedonians in his stead.
{1.10.2} Therefore encountering Demetrios at Amphipolis he came near to being expelled from Thrace, [104] but after Pyrrhos came to his aid he mastered Thrace and afterwards extended his empire at the expense of the Nestians and Macedonians. The greater part of Macedonia was under the control of Pyrrhos himself, who came from Epeiros with an army and was at that time on friendly terms with Lysimakhos. When however Demetrios crossed over into Asia and made war on Seleukos, the alliance between Pyrrhos and Lysimakhos lasted only as long as Demetrios continued hostilities; when Demetrios submitted to Seleukos, the friendship between Lysimakhos and Pyrrhos was broken, and when war broke out Lysimakhos fought against Antigonos son of Demetrios and against Pyrrhos himself, had much the better of the struggle, conquered Macedonia and forced Pyrrhos to retreat to Epeiros.
{1.10.3} Love is accustomed to bring many calamities upon men. Lysimakhos, although by this time of mature age and considered happy in respect of his children, and although Agathokles had children by Lysandra, nevertheless married Lysandra’s sister Arsinoe. This Arsinoe, fearing for her children, lest on the death of Lysimakhos they should fall into the hands of Agathokles, is said for this reason to have plotted against Agathokles. Historians have already related how Arsinoe fell in love with Agathokles, and being unsuccessful they say that she plotted against his life. They say also that Lysimakhos discovered later his wife’s machinations, but was by this time powerless, having lost all his friends.
{1.10.4} Since Lysimakhos, then, overlooked Arsinoe’s murder of Agathokles, Lysandra fled to Seleukos, taking with her her children and her brothers, who were taking refuge with Ptolemy and finally adopted this course. They were accompanied on their flight to Seleukos by Alexander who was the son of Lysimakhos by an Odrysian woman. So they going up to Babylon entreated Seleukos to make war on Lysimakhos. And at the same time Philetairos, to whom the property of Lysimakhos had been entrusted, aggrieved at the death of Agathokles and suspicious of the treatment he would receive at the hands of Arsinoe, seized Pergamon on the Kaïkos, and sending a herald offered both the property and himself to Seleukos.
{1.10.5} Lysimakhos hearing of all these things lost no time in crossing into Asia, [105] and assuming the initiative met Seleukos, suffered a severe defeat and was killed. Alexander, his son by the Odrysian woman, after interceding long with Lysandra, won his body and afterwards carried it to the Chersonesus and buried it, where his tomb is still to be seen between the village of Kardia and Paktye.
{1.11.1} Such was the history of Lysimakhos. The Athenians have also a statue of Pyrrhos. This Pyrrhos was not related to Alexander, except by ancestry. Pyrrhos was son of Aiakidēs, son of Arybbas, but Alexander was son of Olympias, daughter of Neoptolemos, and the father of Neoptolemos and Arybbas was Alketas, son of Tharypos. And from Tharypos to Pyrrhos, son of Achilles, are fifteen generations. [106] Now Pyrrhos was the first who after the capture of Troy disdained to return to Thessaly, but sailing to Epeiros dwelled there because of the oracles of Helenos. By Hermione Pyrrhos had no child, but by Andromache he had Molossos, Pielos, and Pergamos, who was the youngest.* [107] Helenos also had a son, Kestrinos, being married to Andromache after the murder of Pyrrhos at Delphi.
{1.11.2} Helenos on his death passed on the kingdom to Molossos, son of Pyrrhos, so that Kestrinos with volunteers from the people of Epeiros took possession of the region beyond the river Thyamis, while Pergamos crossed into Asia and killed Areios, despot in Teuthrania, who fought with him in single combat for his kingdom, and gave his name to the city which is still called after him.* [108] To Andromache, who accompanied him, there is still a shrine in the city.* [109] Pielos remained behind in Epeiros, and to him as ancestor Pyrrhos, the son of Aiakidēs, and his fathers traced their descent, and not to Molossos.
{1.11.3} Down to Alketas, son of Tharypos, Epeiros too was under one king. But the sons of Alketas after a quarrel agreed to rule with equal authority, remaining faithful to their compact; and afterwards, when Alexander, son of Neoptolemos, died among the Leukanoi, and Olympias returned to Epeiros through fear of Antipatros, Aiakidēs, son of Arybbas, continued in allegiance to Olympias and joined in her campaign against Aridaios and the Macedonians, although the men of Epeiros refused to accompany him.
{1.11.4} Olympias on her victory behaved wickedly in the matter of the death of Aridaios, and much more wickedly to certain Macedonians, and for this reason was considered to have deserved her subsequent treatment at the hands of Kassandros; so Aiakidēs at first was not received even by the people of Epeiros because of their hatred of Olympias, and when afterwards they forgave him, his return to Epeiros was next opposed by Kassandros. When a battle occurred at Oineadai between Philip, brother of Kassandros, and Aiakidēs, Aiakidēs was wounded and shortly after met his fate. [110]
{1.11.5} The people of Epeiros accepted Alketas as their king, being the son of Arybbas and the elder brother of Aiakidēs, but of an uncontrollable temper and on this account banished by his father. Immediately on his arrival he began to vent his fury on the people of Epeiros, until they rose up and put him and his children to death at night. After killing him they brought back Pyrrhos, son of Aiakidēs. No sooner had he arrived than Kassandros made war upon him, while he was young in years and before he had consolidated his empire. When the Macedonians attacked him, Pyrrhos went to Ptolemy, son of Lagos, in Egypt. Ptolemy gave him to wife the half-sister of his children, and restored him by way of an Egyptian force.
{1.11.6} The first Greeks that Pyrrhos attacked on becoming king were the people of Corcyra. He saw that the island lay off his own territory, and he did not wish others to have a base from which to attack him. My account of Lysimakhos has already related how he fared, after taking Corcyra, in his war with Lysimakhos, how he expelled Demetrios and ruled Macedonia until he was in turn expelled by Lysimakhos, the most important of his achievements until he waged war against the Romans
{1.11.7} being the first Greek we know of to do so. For no further battle, it is said, took place between Aeneas and Diomedes with his Argives.* [111] One of the many ambitions of the Athenians was to reduce all Italy, but the disaster at Syracuse [112] prevented an encounter with the Romans. Alexander, son of Neoptolemos, of the same family as Pyrrhos but older, died among the Leukanoi before he could meet the Romans in battle.
{1.12.1} So Pyrrhos was the first to cross the Ionian Sea from Greece to attack the Romans. [113] And even he crossed on the invitation of the people of Tarentum. For they were already involved in a war with the Romans, but were no match for them unaided. Pyrrhos was already in their debt, because they had sent a fleet to help him in his war with Corcyra, but the most cogent arguments of the envoys of Tarentum were their accounts of Italy, how its prosperity was equal to that of the whole of Greece, and their plea that it was wicked to dismiss them when they had come as friends and suppliants in their hour of need. When the envoys urged these considerations, Pyrrhos remembered the capture of Troy, which he took to be an omen of his success in the war, as he was a descendant of Achilles making war upon a colony of Trojans.
{1.12.2} Pleased with this proposal, and being a man who never lost time when once he had made up his mind, he immediately proceeded to man war ships and to prepare transports to carry horses and men-at-arms. There are books written by men of no renown as historians, entitled Memoirs. When I read these I marveled greatly both at the personal bravery of Pyrrhos in battle, and also at the forethought he displayed whenever a contest was imminent. So on this occasion also when crossing to Italy with a fleet he eluded the observation of the Romans, and for some time after his arrival they were unaware of his presence; it was only when the Romans made an attack upon the people of Tarentum that he appeared on the scene with his army, and his unexpected assault naturally threw his enemies into confusion.
{1.12.3} And being perfectly aware that he was no match for the Romans, he prepared to let loose against them his elephants. The first European to acquire elephants was Alexander, after subduing Poros and the power of the Indians; after his death others of the kings got them but Antigonos more than any; Pyrrhos captured his beasts in the battle with Demetrios. When on this occasion they came in sight the Romans were seized with panic, and did not believe they were animals.
{1.12.4} For although the use of ivory in arts and crafts all men obviously have known from of old, the actual beasts, before the Macedonians crossed into Asia, nobody had seen at all except the Indians themselves, the Libyans, and their neighbors. This is proved by Homer,* [114] who describes the couches and houses of the more prosperous kings as ornamented with ivory, but never mentions the beast; but if he had seen or heard about it he would, in my opinion have been much more likely to speak of it than of the battle between the dwarf-men and cranes. [115]
{1.12.5} Pyrrhos was brought over to Sicily by an embassy of the Syracusans. The Carthaginians had crossed over and were destroying the Greek cities, and had set up a siege of Syracuse, the only city now remaining. When Pyrrhos heard this from the envoys he abandoned Tarentum and the Italiots on the coast, and crossing into Sicily forced the Carthaginians to raise the siege of Syracuse. In his self-conceit, although the Carthaginians, being Phoenicians of Tyre by ancient descent, were more experienced sea men than any other non-Greek people of that day, Pyrrhos was nevertheless encouraged to meet them in a naval battle, employing the people of Epeiros, the majority of whom, even after the capture of Troy, knew nothing of the sea nor even as yet how to use salt. Witness the words of Homer in the Odyssey:
Nothing they know of ocean, and mix not salt with their meals. [116]
{1.13.1} Worsted on this occasion Pyrrhos put back with the remainder of his vessels to Tarentum. Here he met with a serious reverse, and his withdrawal, for he knew that the Romans would not let him depart without striking a blow, he contrived in the following manner. On his return from Sicily and his defeat, he first sent various dispatches to Asia and to Antigonos, asking some of the kings for troops, some for money, and Antigonos for both. When the envoys returned and their dispatches were delivered, he summoned those in authority, whether from Epeiros or from Tarentum, and without reading any of the dispatches declared that reinforcements would come. A report spread quickly even to the Romans that Macedonians and Asiatic peoples also were crossing to the aid of Pyrrhos. The Romans, on hearing this, made no move, but Pyrrhos on the approach of that very night crossed to the headlands of the mountain called Keraunion.
{1.13.2} After the defeat in Italy Pyrrhos gave his forces a rest and then declared war on Antigonos, his chief ground of complaint being the failure to send reinforcements to Italy. Overpowering the native troops of Antigonos and his Gallic mercenaries he pursued them to the coast cities, and himself reduced upper Macedonia and the Thessalians. The extent of the fighting and the decisive character of the victory of Pyrrhos are shown best by the Celtic armor dedicated in the sanctuary of Itonian Athena between Pherai and Larisa, with this inscription on them:
Pyrrhos the Molossian hung these shields
{1.13.3} taken from the bold Gauls as a gift to Itonian Athena, when he had destroyed all the host of Antigonos. It is no great marvel. The Aiakidai are warriors now, even as they were of old. These shields then are here, but the shields of the Macedonians themselves he dedicated to Dodonian Zeus. They too have an inscription:
These once ravaged golden Asia, and brought slavery upon the Greeks. Now ownerless they lie by the pillars of the temple of Zeus, spoils of boastful Macedonia.
Pyrrhos came very near to reducing Macedonia entirely, but,
{1.13.4} being usually readier to do what came first to hand, he was prevented by Kleonymos. This Kleonymos, who persuaded Pyrrhos to abandon his Macedonian adventure and to go to the Peloponnesus, was a Lacedaemonian who led a hostile army into the Lacedaemonian territory for a reason which I will relate after giving the descent of Kleonymos. Pausanias, who was in command of the Greeks at Plataea, [117] was the father of Pleistoanax, he of Pausanias, and he of Kleombrotos, who was killed at Leuktra fighting against Epameinondas and the Thebans. Kleombrotos was the father of Agesipolis and Kleomenes, and, Agesipolis dying without issue, Kleomenes ascended the throne.
{1.13.5} Kleomenes had two sons, the elder being Akrotatos and the younger Kleonymos. Now Akrotatos died first; and when afterwards Kleomenes died, a claim to the throne was put forward by Areus son of Akrotatos, and Kleonymos took steps to induce Pyrrhos to enter the country. Before the battle of Leuktra [118] the Lacedaemonians had suffered no disaster, so that they even refused to admit that they had yet been worsted in a land battle. For Leonidas, they said, had won the victory, [119] but his followers were insufficient for the entire destruction of the Persians; the achievement of Demosthenes and the Athenians on the island of Sphakteria [120] was no victory, but only a trick in war.
{1.13.6} Their first reverse took place in Boeotia, and they afterwards suffered a severe defeat at the hands of Antipatros and the Macedonians. [121] Thirdly the war with Demetrios [122] came as an unexpected misfortune to their land. Invaded by Pyrrhos and seeing a hostile army for the fourth time, they arrayed themselves to meet it along with the Argives and Messenians who had come as their allies. Pyrrhos won the day, and came near to capturing Sparta without further fighting, but desisted for a while after ravaging the land and carrying off plunder. [123] The citizens prepared for a siege, and Sparta even before this in the war with Demetrios had been fortified with deep trenches and strong stakes, and at the most vulnerable points with buildings as well.
{1.13.7} Just about this time, while the Laconian war was dragging on, Antigonos, having recovered the Macedonian cities, hastened to the Peloponnesus being well aware that if Pyrrhos were to reduce Lacedaemon and the greater part of the Peloponnesus, he would not return to Epeiros but to Macedonia to make war there again. When Antigonos was about to lead his army from Argos into Laconia, Pyrrhos himself reached Argos. Victorious once more he dashed into the city along with the fugitives, and his formation not unnaturally was broken up.
{1.13.8} When the fighting was now taking place by sanctuaries and houses, and in the narrow lanes, between detached bodies in different parts of the town, Pyrrhos left by himself was wounded in the head. It is said that his death [124] was caused by a blow from a tile thrown by a woman. The Argives however declare that it was not a woman who killed him but Demeter in the likeness of a woman. This is what the Argives themselves relate about his end, and Lykeas, the guide for the neighborhood, has written a poem which confirms the story. They have a sanctuary of Demeter, built at the command of the oracle, on the spot where Pyrrhos died, and in it Pyrrhos is buried.
{1.13.9} I consider it remarkable that of those styled Aiakidai three met their end [teleutē] in the same kinds of way through the agency of the god [ek tou theou]; if, as Homer says, Achilles was killed by Alexander, son of Priam, and by Apollo, if the Delphians were bidden by the Pythia to slay Pyrrhos, son of Achilles, and if the end of the son of Aiakidēs was such as the Argives say and Lykeas has described in his poem. The account, however, given by Hieronymos of Kardia is different, for a man who associates with royalty cannot help being a partial historian. If Philistos was justified in suppressing the most wicked deeds of Dionysius, because he expected his return to Syracuse, surely Hieronymos may be fully forgiven for writing to please Antigonos.
{1.14.1} So ended the period of the ascendancy of Epeiros. When you have entered the Odeum [ōideion] in Athens you meet, among other objects, a figure of Dionysus worth seeing. Close by is a spring called Enneakrounos [‘Nine Streams’], embellished as you see it by Peisistratos. There are cisterns all over the city, but this is the only fountain.* [125] Above the spring are two temples, one to Demeter and the Maiden, while in that of Triptolemos is a statue [agalma] of him. The accounts given of Triptolemos I shall write, omitting from the story as much as relates to Deiope.
{1.14.2} The Greeks who dispute most the Athenian claim to antiquity and the gifts they say they have received from the gods are the Argives,* [126] just as among those who are not Greeks the Egyptians compete with the Phrygians. It is said, then, that when Demeter came to Argos she was received by Pelasgos into his home, and that Khrysanthis, knowing about the abduction of the Maiden, related the story to her. Afterwards Trokhilos, the priest of the mysteries, fled, they say, from Argos because of the enmity of Agenor, came to Attica and married a woman of Eleusis, by whom he had two children, Eubouleus and Triptolemos. That is the account given by the Argives. But the Athenians and those who with them… know that Triptolemos, son of Keleus, was the first to sow seed for cultivation.
{1.14.3} Some extant verses of Musaeus, if indeed they are to be included among his works, say that Triptolemos was the son of Okeanos and Earth; while those ascribed to Orpheus (though in my opinion the received authorship is again incorrect) say that Eubouleus and Triptolemos were sons of Dysaules, and that because they gave Demeter information about her daughter the sowing of seed was her reward to them.* [127] But Khoirilos, an Athenian, who wrote a play called Alope, says that Kerkyon and Triptolemos were brothers, that their mother was the daughter of Amphiktyon, while the father of Triptolemos was Raros, of Kerkyon, Poseidon. After I had intended to go further into this story, and to describe the contents of the sanctuary in Athens called the Eleusinion, I was stayed by a vision in a dream. I shall therefore turn to those things it is lawful to write of to all men.* [128]
{1.14.4} In front of this temple, where is also the statue [agalma] of Triptolemos, is a bronze bull being led as it were to sacrifice, and there is a sitting figure of Epimenides of Knossos, [129] who they say entered a cave in the country and slept.* [130] And the sleep did not leave him before the fortieth year, and afterwards he wrote verses and purified Athens and other cities. But Thales who stayed the plague for the Lacedaemonians was not related to Epimenides in any way, and belonged to a different city. The latter was from Knossos, but Thales was from Gortyn, according to Polymnastos of Kolophon, who composed a poem about him for the Lacedaemonians.* [131]
{1.14.5} Still farther off is a shrine [nāos] of Eukleia ‘goddess of good glory [kleos]’, this too being a thank-offering [anathēma] having to do with [the victory over] the Persians who had landed at Marathon. It is in-response-to [epi + dative case] this victory [nīkē] that the Athenians have their most lofty thoughts [phroneîn + malista]. A special example is Aeschylus. When the completion [teleutē] of his life was coming into view for him, he reminisced [mnēmoneuein] not about any of his other deeds, even though he had reached such heights of glory [doxa] with his poetry [poiēsis] and with his participation in the naval battles of Artemision and at Salamis. Instead, he just wrote down [graphein] [in an epigram] his name, his father’s name, the name of his city of origin [= Athens], and how he had as his witnesses for affirming his manly valor [andreiā] the grove [alsos] at Marathon and the Persians who had landed there.
{1.14.6} Above the Kerameikos and the portico called the King’s Portico is a temple of Hephaistos. I was not surprised that by it stands a statue [agalma] of Athena, because I knew the story about Erikhthonios.* [132] But when I saw that the statue [agalma] of Athena had blue eyes I found out that the legend about them is Libyan. For the Libyans have a saying that the goddess is the daughter of Poseidon and Lake Tritonis, and for this reason has blue eyes like Poseidon.
{1.14.7} Close by is a sanctuary of Aphrodite the celestial one [Ourania]; the first men to establish her cult were the Assyrians, after the Assyrians the Paphians of Cyprus and the Phoenicians who live at Askalon in Palestine; the Phoenicians taught her worship to the people of Cythera. Among the Athenians the cult was established by Aigeus, who thought that he was childless (he had, in fact, no children at the time) and that his sisters had suffered their misfortune because of the wrath of Aphrodite the celestial one [Ourania]. The statue [agalma] still extant is of Parian marble and is the work of Pheidias. One of the Athenian demes [dēmoi] is that of the Athmoneis, who say that Porphyrion, an earlier king than Aktaios, founded their sanctuary of the celestial one [Ourania]. But the traditions current among the demes [dēmoi] often differ altogether from those of the city.* [133]
{1.15.1} As you go to the portico that they call, painted,* [134] because of its pictures, there is a bronze statue of Hermes of the Marketplace, and near it a gate. On it is a trophy erected by the Athenians, who in a cavalry action overcame Pleistarkhos, to whose command his brother Kassandros had entrusted his cavalry and mercenaries. This portico contains, first, the Athenians arrayed against the Lacedaemonians at Oinoe in the Argive territory. [135] What is depicted is not the crisis of the battle nor when the action had advanced as far as the display of deeds of valor, but the beginning of the fight when the combatants were about to close.
{1.15.2} On the middle wall are the Athenians and Theseus fighting with the Amazons. So, it seems, only the women did not lose through their defeats their reckless courage in the face of danger; Themiskyra was taken by Hēraklēs, and afterwards the army which they dispatched to Athens was destroyed, but nevertheless they came to Troy to fight all the Greeks as well as the Athenians themselves. After the Amazons come the Greeks when they have taken Troy, and the kings assembled on account of the outrage committed by Ajax against Cassandra. The picture includes Ajax himself, Cassandra and other captive women.
{1.15.3} At the concluding part of the painting [graphē] are the men who fought at Marathon, namely, the men from [the city of] Plataea-in-Boeotia and the men from all the territory-of-Athens [= Attica]. They are at the moment of coming into contact in hand-to-hand combat with the foreigners [barbaroi, = the Persians]. At this point, the two sides are evenly matched for the action [ergon], but then, in a close-up of the battle [makhē], the foreigners [barbaroi] are starting to turn and run, heading for the marshland [helos] and crowding each other [into the morass]. At the outer edges of the painting are [represented] the [beached] ships of the Phoenician navy and the Greeks [Hellēnes] who are slaughtering those of the foreigners [barbaroi] who are scrambling to climb on board. And at this point is painted [graphesthai] also the hero [hērōs] by the name of Marathon, after whom the plain [pedíon] called Marathon gets its name.* [136] Also represented [eikazesthai] is Theseus as he appeared when he was coming back up from under the earth. Also Athena and Hēraklēs. Let me explain: you see [= gar], the people of Marathon were the first to establish-the-custom-of-venerating [nomizein] Hēraklēs as a god [theos]. Featured most prominently in the painting [graphē] are Kallimakhos, who had been elected commander-in-chief [polem-arkhos] by the Athenians, and Miltiades, one of the generals [stratēgoi]. Also [featured is] a hero [hērōs] called Ekhetlos, about whom I will make mention [mnēmē] also at a later point. [137]
{1.15.4} Here are dedicated bronze shields, and some have an inscription that they are taken from the Skiōnaioi and their allies [138] , while others, smeared with pitch lest they should be worn by age and rust, are said to be those of the Lacedaemonians who were taken prisoners in the island of Sphakteria. [139]
{1.16.1} Here are placed bronze statues, one, in front of the portico, of Solon, who composed the laws for the Athenians, [140] and, a little farther away, one of Seleukos, whose future prosperity was foreshadowed by unmistakable signs. When he was about to set forth from Macedonia with Alexander, and was sacrificing at Pella to Zeus, the wood that lay on the altar advanced of its own accord to the statue [agalma] and caught fire without the application of a light. On the death of Alexander, Seleukos, in fear of Antigonos, who had arrived at Babylon, fled to Ptolemy, son of Lagos, and then returned again to Babylon. On his return he overcame the army of Antigonos and killed Antigonos himself, afterwards capturing Demetrios, son of Antigonos, who had advanced with an army.
{1.16.2} After these successes, which were shortly followed by the fall of Lysimakhos, he entrusted to his son Antiokhos all his empire in Asia, and himself proceeded rapidly towards Macedonia, having with him an army both of Greeks and of foreigners. But Ptolemy, brother of Lysandra, had taken refuge with him from Lysimakhos; this man, an adventurous character named for this reason the Thunderbolt [Keraunos], when the army of Seleukos had advanced as far as Lysimakheia, assassinated Seleukos, allowed the kings to seize his wealth, [141] and ruled over Macedonia until, being the first of the kings to my knowledge to dare to meet the Gauls in battle, he was killed by the foreigners. [142] The empire was recovered by Antigonos, son of Demetrios.
{1.16.3} I am persuaded that Seleukos was the most righteous, and in particular the most religious of the kings. Firstly, it was Seleukos who sent back to Brankhidai for the people of Miletus the bronze Apollo that had been carried by Xerxes to Ecbatana in Persia. Secondly, when he founded Seleukeia on the river Tigris and brought to it Babylonian colonists he spared the wall of Babylon as well as the sanctuary of Bel, near which he permitted the Chaldaeans to live.
{1.17.1} In the Athenian marketplace among the objects not generally known is an altar to Pity,* [143] of all divinities the most useful in the life of mortals and in the vicissitudes of fortune, but honored by the Athenians alone among the Greeks. And they are conspicuous not only for their humanity but also for their devotion to religion. They have an altar to Shamefastness, one to Rumor and one to Effort. It is quite obvious that those who excel in piety are correspondingly rewarded by good fortune.
{1.17.2} In the gymnasium not far from the marketplace, called Ptolemy’s from the founder, are stone Hermai well worth seeing and a likeness in bronze of Ptolemy. Here also is Juba the Libyan and Khrysippos [144] of Soloi. Close by the gymnasium is a sanctuary of Theseus, where are pictures of Athenians fighting Amazons. This war they have also represented on the shield of their Athena and upon the pedestal of the Olympian Zeus. In the sanctuary of Theseus is also a painting of the battle between the Centaurs and the Lapithai. Theseus has already killed a Centaur, but elsewhere the fighting is still undecided.
{1.17.3} The painting on the third wall is not intelligible to those unfamiliar with the traditions, partly through age and partly because Mikon has not represented in the picture the whole of the legend. When Minos was taking Theseus and the rest of the company of young people to Crete he fell in love with Periboia, and on meeting with determined opposition from Theseus, hurled insults at him and denied that he was a son of Poseidon, since he could not recover for him the signet-ring, which he happened to be wearing, if he threw it into the sea. With these words Minos is said to have thrown the ring, but they say that Theseus came up from the sea with that ring and also with a gold garland that Amphitrite gave him.* [145]
{1.17.4} The accounts of the end of Theseus are many and inconsistent. They say he was kept a prisoner until Hēraklēs restored him to the light of day, but the most plausible account I have heard is this. Theseus invaded Thesprotia to carry off the wife of the Thesprotian king, and in this way lost the greater part of his army, and both he and Peirithoös (he too was taking part in the expedition, being eager for the marriage) were taken captive. The Thesprotian king kept them prisoners at Kikhyros.
{1.17.5} Among the sights of Thesprotia are a sanctuary of Zeus at Dodona and an oak sacred to the god. Near Kikhyros is a lake called Akherousia, and a river called Akheron. There is also Kokytos, a most unlovely stream. I believe it was because Homer had seen these places that he made bold to describe in his poems the regions of Hades, and gave to the rivers there the names of those in Thesprotia. While Theseus was thus kept in bonds, the sons of Tyndareus marched against Aphidna, captured it and restored Menestheus to the kingdom.* [146]
{1.17.6} Now Menestheus took no account of the children of Theseus, who had secretly withdrawn to Elephenor in Euboea,* [147] but he was aware that Theseus, if ever he returned from Thesprotia, would be a powerful antagonist, and so curried favor with his subjects that Theseus, on recovering afterwards his liberty, was expelled. So Theseus set out to Deukalion in Crete. Being carried off-course by winds to the island of Skyros he was treated with marked honor by the inhabitants, both for the fame of his family and for the reputation of his own achievements. Accordingly Lykomedes contrived his death. The hero-precinct [sēkos] [of Theseus] was built in Athens after the Persians landed at Marathon, when Kimon, son of Miltiades, ravaged Skyros, thus avenging Theseus’ death, and carried his bones to Athens.* [148]
{1.18.1} The sanctuary of the Dioskouroi is ancient. They themselves are represented as standing, while their sons are seated on horses. Here Polygnotus [149] has painted the marriage of the daughters of Leukippos, was a part of the gods’ history, but those who sailed with Jason to the to the people of Kolkhis, and he has concentrated his attention upon Akastos and his horses.
{1.18.2} Above the sanctuary of the Dioskouroi is a sacred enclosure of Aglauros. It was to Aglauros and her sisters, Herse and Pandrosos, that they say Athena gave Erikhthonios, whom she had hidden in a chest, forbidding them to pry curiously into what was entrusted to their charge. Pandrosos, they say, obeyed, but the other two (for they opened the chest) went mad when they saw Erikhthonios, and threw themselves down the steepest part of the Acropolis. Here it was that the Persians climbed and killed the Athenians who thought that they understood the oracle [150] better than did Themistokles, and fortified the Acropolis with logs and stakes. [151]
{1.18.3} Close by is the Prytaneion (city hall), in which the laws of Solon are inscribed, and statues [agalmata] are placed of the goddesses Eirene (‘Peace’) and Hestia (‘Hearth’), while among the statues is Autolykos, a contestant in the pankration. [152] For the likenesses of Miltiades and Themistokles have had their titles changed to a Roman and a Thracian.
{1.18.4} As you descend from here to the lower part of the city, is a sanctuary of Serapis, whose worship the Athenians introduced from Ptolemy. Of the Egyptian sanctuaries of Serapis the most famous is at Alexandria, the oldest at Memphis. Into this neither stranger nor priest may enter, until they bury Apis. Not far from the sanctuary of Serapis is the place where they say that Peirithoös and Theseus made their pact before setting forth to Lacedaemon and afterwards to Thesprotia.
{1.18.5} Close by is built a temple of Eileithuia, who they say came from the Hyperboreans to Delos and helped Leto in her labor; and from Delos the name spread to other peoples. The Delians sacrifice to Eileithuia and sing a hymn of Olen. But the Cretans suppose that Eileithuia was born at Amnisos in the territory of Knossos, and that Hērā was her mother.* [153] Only among the Athenians are the wooden figures of Eileithuia draped to the feet. The women told me that two are Cretan, being offerings of Phaedra, and that the third, which is the oldest, Erysikhthon brought from Delos.
{1.18.6} Before the entrance to the sanctuary of Olympian Zeus—Hadrian the Roman emperor dedicated the temple and the statue [agalma], one worth seeing, which in size exceeds all other statues [agalmata] save the colossi at Rhodes and Rome, and is made of ivory and gold with an artistic skill which is remarkable when the size is taken into account—before the entrance, I say, stand statues of Hadrian, two of Thasian stone, two of Egyptian. Before the pillars stand bronze statues which the Athenians call kolōnoi. The whole circumference of the precincts is about four stadium-lengths, and they are full of statues; for every city has dedicated a likeness of the emperor Hadrian, and the Athenians have surpassed them in dedicating, behind the temple, the remarkable colossus.
{1.18.7} Within the precincts are antiquities: a bronze Zeus, a temple of Kronos and Rhea and an enclosure of Earth surnamed Olympian. Here the floor opens to the width of a cubit, and they say that along this bed flowed off the water after the deluge that occurred in the time of Deukalion, and into it they cast every year wheat meal mixed with honey.
{1.18.8} On a pillar is a statue of Isocrates, whose memory is remarkable for three things: his diligence in continuing to teach to the end of his ninety-eight years, his self-restraint in keeping aloof from politics and from interfering with public affairs, and his love of liberty in dying a voluntary death, distressed at the news of the battle at Khairōneia. [154] There are also statues in Phrygian marble of Persians supporting a bronze tripod; both the figures and the tripod are worth seeing. The ancient sanctuary of Olympian Zeus the Athenians say was built by Deukalion, and they cite as evidence that Deukalion lived in Athens a tomb which is not far from the present temple.
{1.18.9} Hadrian constructed other buildings also for the Athenians: a temple of Hērā and Zeus Panhellenios (Common to all Greeks), a sanctuary common to all the gods, and, most famous of all, a hundred pillars of Phrygian marble. The walls too are constructed of the same material as the cloisters. And there are rooms there adorned with a gilded roof and with alabaster stone, as well as with statues [agalmata] and paintings. In them are kept books. There is also a gymnasium named after Hadrian; of this too the pillars are a hundred in number from the Libyan quarries.
{1.19.1} Close to the temple of Olympian Zeus is a statue [agalma] of the Pythian Apollo. There is further a sanctuary of Apollo surnamed Delphinios. The story has it that when the temple was finished with the exception of the roof Theseus arrived in the city, a stranger as yet to everybody. When he came to the temple of the Delphinian, wearing a tunic that reached to his feet and with his hair neatly plaited, those who were building the roof mockingly inquired what a marriageable virgin was doing wandering about by herself. The only answer that Theseus made was to loose, it is said, the oxen from the cart close by, and to throw them higher than the roof of the temple they were building.
{1.19.2} Concerning the district called The Gardens, and the temple of Aphrodite, there is no story that is told by them, nor yet about the Aphrodite which stands near the temple. Now the shape of it is square, like that of the Hermai, and the inscription declares that Aphrodite the celestial one [Ourania] is the oldest of those called Fates. But the statue [agalma] of Aphrodite in the Gardens is the work of Alkamenes, and one of the most note worthy things in Athens.
{1.19.3} There is also the place called Kynosarges, sacred to Hēraklēs; the story of the white dog* [155] may be known by reading the oracle. There are altars of Hēraklēs and Hebe, who they think is the daughter of Zeus and wife to Hēraklēs. An altar has been built to Alkmene and to Iolaos, who shared with Hēraklēs most of his labors. The Lyceum [Lukeion] has its name from Lykos [Lukos], the son of Pandion, but it was considered sacred to Apollo from the beginning down to my time, and here was the god first named Lykios [Lukios]. It is said that the Termilai also, to whom Lykos came when he fled from Aigeus, were called Lykioi [Lukioi] after him.* [156]
{1.19.4} Behind the Lyceum is a monument of Nisos, who was killed while king of Megara by Minos, and the Athenians carried him here and buried him. About this Nisos there is a legend. His hair, they say, was red, and it was fated that he should die on its being cut off. When the Cretans attacked the country, they captured by assault the other cities of the region of Megara, but Nisaia, in which Nisos had taken refuge, they besieged. The story says how the daughter of Nisos, falling in love here with Minos, cut off her father’s hair.
{1.19.5} Such is the legend.* [157] The rivers that flow through Athenian territory are the Ilissos and its tributary the Eridanos, whose name is the same as that of the Celtic river. This Ilissos is the river by which Oreithyia was playing when, according to the story, she was carried off by the North Wind. With Oreithyia he lived in wedlock, and be cause of the tie between him and the Athenians he helped them by destroying most of the foreigners’ warships. The Athenians hold that the Ilissos is sacred to other deities as well, and on its bank is an altar of the Muses of Ilissos. The place too is pointed out where the Peloponnesians killed Kodros, son of Melanthos and king of Athens.
{1.19.6} Across the Ilissos is a district called Agrai and a temple of Artemis Agrotera (the Huntress). They say that Artemis first hunted here when she came from Delos, and for this reason the statue [agalma] holds a bow. A marvel to the eyes, though not so impressive to hear of, is a race-course of white marble, the size of which can best be estimated from the fact that beginning in a crescent on the heights above the Ilissos it descends in two straight lines to the river bank. This was built by Herodes, an Athenian, and the greater part of the Pentelic quarry was exhausted in its construction.
{1.20.1} Leading from the Prytaneion is a road called Tripods. The place takes its name from the shrines, large enough to hold the tripods which stand upon them, of bronze, but containing very remarkable works of art, including a Satyr, of which Praxiteles is said to have been very proud. Phryne once asked of him the most beautiful of his works, and the story goes that lover-like he agreed to give it, but refused to say which he thought the most beautiful. So a slave of Phryne rushed in saying that a fire had broken out in the studio of Praxiteles, and the greater number of his works were lost, though not all were destroyed.
{1.20.2} Praxiteles at once started to rush through the door crying that his labor was all wasted if indeed the flames had caught his Satyr and his Love. But Phryne ordered him to stay and be of good courage, for he had suffered no grievous loss, but had been trapped into confessing which were the most beautiful of his works. So Phryne chose the statue of Love; while a Satyr is in the temple of Dionysus close by, a boy holding out a cup. The Love standing with him and the Dionysus were made by Thymilos.
{1.20.3} The oldest sanctuary of Dionysus is near the theater. Within the precincts are two temples and two statues of Dionysus, the Eleuthereus (Deliverer) and the one Alkamenes made of ivory and gold. There are paintings here—Dionysus bringing Hephaistos up to the sky [ouranos]. One of the Greek legends is that Hephaistos, when he was born, was thrown down by Hērā. In revenge he sent as a gift a golden chair with invisible fetters. When Hērā sat down she was held fast, and Hephaistos refused to listen to any other of the gods save Dionysus—in him he reposed the fullest trust—and after making him drunk Dionysus brought him to the sky [ouranos]. Besides this picture there are also represented Pentheus and Lycurgus (Lukourgos) paying the penalty of their insolence to Dionysus, Ariadne asleep, Theseus putting out to sea, and Dionysus on his arrival to carry off Ariadne.
{1.20.4} Near the sanctuary of Dionysus and the theater is a structure that is said to be a replica of Xerxes’ tent.* [158] It has been rebuilt, for the old building was burned by the Roman general Sulla when he took Athens. [159] The cause of the war was this. Mithridates was king over the foreigners around the Black Sea. Now the grounds on which he made war against the Romans, how he crossed into Asia, and the cities he took by force of arms or made his friends, I must leave for those to find out who wish to know the history of Mithridates, and I shall confine my narrative to the capture of Athens.
{1.20.5} There was an Athenian, Aristion, whom Mithridates employed as his envoy to the Greek cities. He induced the Athenians to join Mithridates rather than the Romans, although he did not induce all, but only the lower orders, and only the turbulent among them. The respectable Athenians fled to the Romans of their own accord. In the engagement that ensued the Romans won a decisive victory; Aristion and the Athenians they drove in flight into the city, Arkhelaos and the foreigners into the Peiraieus. This Arkhelaos was another general of Mithridates, whom earlier than this the Magnesians, who inhabit the region of Mount Sipylos, wounded when he raided their territory, killing most of the foreigners as well. So Athens was invested.
{1.20.6} Taxilos, a general of Mithridates, was at the time besieging Elateia in Phokis, but on receiving the news he withdrew his troops towards Attica. Learning this, the Roman general entrusted the siege of Athens to a portion of his army, and with the greater part of his forces advanced in person to meet Taxilos in Boeotia. On the third day from this, news came to both the Roman armies; Sulla heard that the Athenian fortifications had been stormed, and the besieging force learned that Taxilos had been defeated in battle near Khairōneia. When Sulla returned to Attica he imprisoned in the Kerameikos the Athenians who had opposed him, and one chosen by lot out of every ten he ordered to be led to execution.
{1.20.7} Sulla abated nothing of his wrath against the Athenians, and so a few effected an escape to Delphi, and asked if the time were now come when it was fated for Athens also to be made desolate, receiving from the Pythia the response about the wine skin. Afterwards Sulla was smitten with the disease which I learn attacked Pherecydes the Syrian. Although Sulla’s treatment of the Athenian people was so savage as to be unworthy of a Roman, I do not think that this was the cause of his calamity, but rather the vengeance of the suppliants’ Protector, for he had dragged Aristion from the sanctuary of Athena, where he had taken refuge, and killed him. Thus was Athens sorely afflicted by the war with Rome, but she flourished again when Hadrian was emperor. [160]
{1.21.1} In the theater the Athenians have portrait statues of poets, both tragic and comic, but they are mostly of undistinguished persons. With the exception of Menander no poet of comedy represented here won a reputation, but tragedy has two illustrious representatives, Euripides and Sophocles. There is a legend that after the death of Sophocles the Lacedaemonians invaded Attica, and their commander saw in a vision Dionysus, who ordered him to honor, with all the customary honors of the dead, the new Siren. He interpreted the dream as referring to Sophocles and his poetry, and down to the present day people are used to liken to a Siren whatever is enchanting in both poetry and prose.
{1.21.2} The likeness of Aeschylus is, I think, much later than his death and than the painting that depicts the action at Marathon. Aeschylus himself said that, when he was a young man and once fell asleep while he was guarding the grapes in a vineyard, Dionysus appeared to him and ordered him to make [poieîn] tragedy. When day came, in obedience to the vision, he made an attempt and hereafter found composing [poieîn] quite easy.
{1.21.3} Such were his words. On the South wall, as it is called, of the Acropolis, which faces the theater, there is dedicated a gilded head of Medusa the Gorgon, and round it is crafted an aegis. At the top of the theater is a cave in the rocks under the Acropolis. This also has a tripod over it, wherein are Apollo and Artemis slaying the children of Niobe. This Niobe I myself saw when I had gone up to Mount Sipylos.* [161] When you are near it is a beetling crag, with not the slightest resemblance to a woman, mourning or otherwise; but if you go further away you will think you see a woman in tears, with head bowed down.
{1.21.4} On the way to the Athenian Acropolis from the theater is the tomb of Kalos. Daidalos murdered this Kalos, who was his sister’s son and a student of his craft, and therefore he fled to Crete; afterwards he escaped to Kokalos in Sicily. The sanctuary of Asklepios is worth seeing both for its paintings and for the statues [agalmata] of the god and his children. In it there is a spring, by which they say that Poseidon’s son Halirrhothios deflowered Alkippe the daughter of Ares, who killed the ravisher and was the first to be put on his trial for the shedding of blood.
{1.21.5} Among the votive offerings there is a Sauromatic breastplate. On seeing this a man will say that no less than Greeks are foreigners skilled in the arts. For the Sauromatai have no iron, neither mined by them selves nor yet imported. They have, in fact, no dealings at all with the foreigners around them. To meet this deficiency they have contrived inventions. In place of iron they use bone for their spear-blades, and cornel-wood for their bows and arrows, with bone points for the arrows. They throw a lasso round any enemy they meet, and then turning round their horses upset the enemy caught in the lasso.
{1.21.6} Their breastplates they make in the following fashion. Each man keeps many mares, since the land is not divided into private allotments, nor does it bear anything except wild trees, as the people are nomads. These mares they not only use for war, but also sacrifice them to the local gods and eat them for food. Their hoofs they collect, clean, split, and make from them as it were python scales. Whoever has never seen a python must at least have seen a pine-cone still green. He will not be mistaken if he liken the product from the hoof to the segments that are seen on the pine-cone. These pieces they bore and stitch together with the sinews of horses and oxen, and then use them as breastplates that are as handsome and strong as those of the Greeks. For they can withstand blows of missiles and those struck in close combat.
{1.21.7} Linen breastplates are not so useful to fighters, for they let the iron pass through, if the blow be a violent one. They aid hunters, how ever, for the teeth of lions or leopards break off in them. You may see linen breastplates dedicated in other sanctuaries, notably in that at Gryneion, where there is a most beautiful grove of Apollo, with cultivated trees, and all those which, although they bear no fruit, are pleasing to smell or look upon.
{1.22.1} After the sanctuary of Asklepios, as you go by this way towards the Acropolis, there is a temple of Themis. Before it is raised a sepulchral mound to Hippolytus.* [162] The end of his life, they say, came from curses. Everybody, even a foreigner who has learned Greek, knows about the love of Phaedra and the wickedness the nurse dared commit to serve her. The Troizenians too have a tomb of Hippolytus, and their legend about it is this.* [163]
{1.22.2} When Theseus was about to marry Phaedra, not wishing, should he have children, Hippolytus either to be their subject or to be king in their stead, sent him to Pittheus to be brought up and to be the future king of Troizen. Afterwards Pallas and his sons rebelled against Theseus. After putting them to death he went to Troizen for purification, and Phaedra first saw Hippolytus there. Falling in love with him she contrived the plot for his death. The Troizenians have a myrtle with every one of its leaves pierced; they say that it did not grow originally in this fashion, the holes being due to Phaedra’s disgust with love and to the pin that she wore in her hair.* [164]
{1.22.3} When Theseus had united into one state the many Athenian demes [dēmoi],* [165] he established the cults of Aphrodite surnamed ‘common to the district’ [Pan-dēmos] and of Persuasion. The old statues [agalmata] no longer existed in my time, but those I saw were the work of no inferior artists. There is also a sanctuary of Earth Kourotrophos and of Demeter Chloe [Khloē]. You can learn all about their names by conversing with the priests.* [166]
{1.22.4} There is but one entry to the Acropolis.* [167] It affords no other, being precipitous throughout and having a strong wall. The gateway has a roof of white marble, and down to the present day it is unrivalled for the beauty and size of its stones. Now as to the statues of the horsemen, I cannot tell for certain whether they are the sons of Xenophon or whether they were made merely to beautify the place. On the right of the gateway is a temple of Wingless Nike. From this point the sea is visible, and here it was that, according to legend, Aigeus threw himself down to his death.
{1.22.5} For the ship that carried the young people to Crete began her voyage with black sails; but Theseus, who was sailing on an adventure against the bull of Minos, as it is called, had told his father beforehand that he would use white sails if he should sail back victorious over the bull. But the loss of Ariadne made him forget the signal. Then Aigeus, when from this eminence he saw the vessel borne by black sails, thinking that his son was dead, threw himself down to destruction. There is in Athens a sanctuary dedicated to him, and called the hero-shrine of Aigeus.
{1.22.6} On the left of the gateway is a building with pictures. Among those not effaced by time I found Diomedes taking the Athena from Troy,* [168] and Odysseus in Lemnos taking away the bow of Philoctetes. There in the pictures is Orestes killing Aigisthos, and Pylades killing the sons of Nauplios who had come to help Aigisthos. And there is Polyxena about to be sacrificed near the tomb of Achilles. Homer did well in passing by this barbarous act.* [169] I think too that he showed poetic insight in making Achilles capture Skyros, differing entirely from those who say that Achilles lived in Skyros with the maidens, as Polygnotus has represented in his picture. He also painted Odysseus coming upon the women washing clothes with Nausikaa at the river, just like the description in Homer. There are other pictures, including a portrait of Alcibiades,
{1.22.7} and in the picture are emblems of the victory his horses won at Nemeā. There is also Perseus journeying to Seriphos, and carrying to Polydektes the head of Medusa, the legend about whom I am unwilling to relate in my description of Attica.* [170] Included among the paintings—I omit the boy carrying the water-jars and the wrestler of Timainetos [171] —is Musaeus. I have read verses in which Musaeus receives from the North Wind the gift of flight, but, in my opinion, Onomacritus wrote them, and there are no certainly genuine works of Musaeus except a hymn to Demeter written for the Lykomidai.* [172]
{1.22.8} Right at the very entrance [Propylaia] to the Acropolis are a Hermes (called Hermes of the Propylaia) and statues of the Graces [Kharites], which they say were sculpted by Socrates, the son of Sophroniskos, who the Pythia testified was the wisest of men, a title she refused to Anakharsis, although he desired it and came to Delphi to win it.* [173]
{1.23.1} Among the sayings of the Greeks is one that there were seven wise men. Two of them were the despot of Lesbos and Periandros the son of Kypselos. And yet Peisistratos and his son Hippias were more humane than Periandros,* [174] wiser too in warfare and in statecraft, until, on account of the murder of Hipparkhos, Hippias vented his passion against all and sundry, including a woman named Leaina [meaning ‘Lioness’].
{1.23.2} What I am about to say has never before been committed to writing, but is generally credited among the Athenians. When Hipparkhos died, Hippias tortured Leaina to death, because he knew she was the mistress of Aristogeiton, and therefore could not possibly, he held, be in ignorance of the plot. As a recompense, when the tyranny of the Peisistratidai was at an end, the Athenians put up a bronze lioness in memory of the woman, which they say Kallias dedicated and Kalamis made.
{1.23.3} Close by is a bronze statue of Diitrephes shot through by arrows. [175] Among the acts reported of this Diitrephes by the Athenians is his leading back home the Thracian mercenaries who arrived too late to take part in the expedition of Demosthenes against Syracuse. He also made a landing at Euripos-at-Khalkis, where the Boeotians had an inland town Mykalessos, marched up to this town from the coast, and captured it. Of the inhabitants the Thracians put to the sword not only the combatants but also the women and children. I have evidence to bring. All the Boeotian towns which the Thebans sacked were inhabited in my time, as the people escaped just before the capture; so if the foreigners had not exterminated the people of Mykalessos the survivors would have afterwards reoccupied the town.
{1.23.4} I was greatly surprised to see the statue of Diitrephes pierced with arrows, because the only Greeks whose custom it is to use that weapon are the Cretans. For the men of Opountian Lokris, whom Homer represents as coming to Troy with bows and slings, we know were armed as heavy infantry by the time of the Persian wars. Neither indeed did the Malians continue the practice of the bow; in fact, I believe that they did not know it before the time of Philoctetes, and gave it up soon after. Near the statue of Diitrephes—I do not wish to write of the less distinguished portraits—are statues [agalmata] of gods; of Hygieia, whom legend calls daughter of Asklepios, and of Athena, also surnamed Hygieia.
{1.23.5} There is also a smallish stone, just large enough to serve as a seat to a little man. On it legend says Silenos rested when Dionysus came to the land. The oldest of the Satyrs they call Silenoi. Wishing to know better than most people who the Satyrs are I have inquired from many about this very point. Euphemos of Caria said that on a voyage to Italy he was driven out of his course by winds and was carried into the outer sea, beyond the course of seamen. He affirmed that there were many uninhabited islands, while in others lived wild men. The sailors did not wish to make a landing at the latter,
{1.23.6} because, having made a landing before, they had some experience of the inhabitants, but on this occasion they had no choice in the matter. The islands were called Satyrides by the sailors, and the inhabitants were red haired, and had upon their flanks tails not much smaller than those of horses. As soon as they caught sight of their visitors, they ran down to the ship without uttering a cry and assaulted the women in the ship. At last the sailors in fear cast a foreign woman on to the island. Her the Satyrs outraged not only in the usual way, but also in a most shocking manner.
{1.23.7} I remember looking at other things also on the Athenian Acropolis, a bronze boy holding the sprinkler, by Lykios son of Myron, and Myron’s Perseus after beheading Medusa. There is also a sanctuary of Brauronian Artemis; the statue [agalma] is the work of Praxiteles, but the goddess derives her name from the deme [dēmos] of Brauron. The old wooden image is in Brauron, the Artemis-in-Tauroi as she is called.* [176]
{1.23.8} There is the horse called Dourios [‘Wooden’] set up there, made of bronze. [177] That the work of Epeios was a contrivance to make a breach in the Trojan wall is known to everybody who does not attribute utter nonsense to the Phrygians. But legend says of that horse that it contained the most valiant of the Greeks, and the design of the bronze figure fits in well with this story. Menestheus and Teukros are peeping out of it, and so are the sons of Theseus.* [178]
{1.23.9} Of the statues that stand after the horse, the likeness of Epikharinos who practiced the race in armor was made by Kritios, while Oinobios performed a kind service for Thucydides the son of Oloros. [179] He succeeded in getting a decree passed for the return of Thucydides to Athens, who was treacherously murdered as he was returning, and there is a monument to him not far from the gate known as the Melitides.* [180]
{1.23.10} The stories of Hermolykos the athlete who competed in the pankration and of Phormion [181] the son of Asopikhos I omit, as others have told them. About Phormion, however, I have a detail to add. Quite one of the best men in Athens and distinguished for the fame of his ancestors he chanced to be heavily in debt. So he withdrew to the deme [dēmos] Paiania and lived there until the Athenians elected him to command a naval expedition. But he refused the office on the ground that before his debts were discharged he lacked the spirit to face his troops. So the Athenians, who were absolutely determined to have Phormion as their commander, paid all his creditors.
{1.24.1} In this place is a statue of Athena striking Marsyas the Silenos for taking up the aulos [‘double-reed’] that the goddess wished to be cast away for good. Opposite these I have mentioned is represented the fight which legend says Theseus fought with the so-called Bull of Minos,* [182] whether this was a man or a beast of the nature he is said to have been in the accepted story. For even in our time women have given birth to far more extraordinary monsters than this.
{1.24.2} There is also a statue of Phrixos the son of Athamas carried ashore to the land of Kolkhis by the ram. Having sacrificed the animal to some god or other, presumably to the one called by the Orkhomenians Laphystios, he has cut out the thighs in accordance with Greek custom and is watching them as they burn. Next come other statues, including one of Hēraklēs strangling the serpents as the legend describes. There is Athena too coming up out of the head of Zeus, and also a bull dedicated by the Council of the Areiopagos on some occasion or other, about which, if one cared, one could make many conjectures.
{1.24.3} I have already stated that the Athenians are far more devoted to religion than other men. They were the first to surname Athena Ergane (Worker); they were the first to set up limbless Hermai, and the temple of their goddess is shared by the Spirit of Good men. Those who prefer artistic workmanship to mere antiquity may look at the following: a man wearing a helmet, by Kleoitas, whose nails the artist has made of silver, and a statue [agalma] of Earth beseeching Zeus to rain upon her; perhaps the Athenians themselves needed showers, or may be all the Greeks had been plagued with a drought. There also are set up Timotheus the son of Konon and Konon himself; Procne too, who has already made up her mind about the boy, and Itys as well—a group dedicated by Alkamenes. Athena is represented displaying the olive plant, and Poseidon the wave,* [183]
{1.24.4} and there is a statue [agalma] of Zeus, one made by Leokhares [184] and another one called Polieus (‘of the city’), the customary mode of sacrificing to whom I will give without adding the traditional reason thereof. Upon the altar of Zeus Polieus they place barley mixed with wheat and leave it unguarded. The ox, which they keep already prepared for sacrifice, goes to the altar and partakes of the grain. One of the priests they call the ox-slayer, who kills the ox and then, casting aside the axe here according to the ritual runs away. The others bring the axe to trial, as though they know not the man who did the deed.
{1.24.5} Their ritual, then, is such as I have described. As you enter the temple that they name the Parthenon, all the sculptures you see on what is called the [east] pediment [aetos] show the birth of Athena, but those on the rear [= west] pediment show the contest between Athena and Poseidon over the ownership of the land [of Athens]. [185] The statue [agalma] itself is made of ivory and gold. On the middle of her helmet is placed a likeness [eikōn] of the Sphinx—the tale of the Sphinx I will give when I come to my description of Boeotia—and on either side of the helmet are griffins [grupes] in relief.
{1.24.6} These griffins, Aristeas [186] of Prokonnesos says in his poem, fight for the gold with the Arimaspi beyond the Issedones. The gold which the griffins guard, he says, comes out of the earth; the Arimaspi are men all born with one eye; griffins are beasts like lions, but with the beak and wings of an eagle. I will say no more about the griffins.* [187]
{1.24.7} The statue [agalma] of Athena is standing, [188] with a tunic [khitōn] reaching to the feet, and on her breast the head of Medusa is worked in ivory. She holds a statue of Nike about four cubits high, and in the other hand a spear; at her feet lies a shield and near the spear is a serpent [drakōn]. This serpent [drakōn] would be Erikhthonios.* On the pedestal of the statue [agalma] is the birth of Pandora in relief. Hesiod and others have sung how this Pandora was the first woman; before Pandora was born there was as yet no womankind. The only portrait statue I remember seeing here is one of the emperor Hadrian, and at the entrance one of Iphikrates, [189] who accomplished many remarkable achievements.
{1.24.8} Opposite the temple is a bronze Apollo, and the statue [agalma] is said to be the work of Pheidias. They call it the Locust God, because once when locusts were devastating the land the god said that he would drive them from Attica. That he did drive them away they know, but they do not say how. I myself know that locusts have been destroyed three times in the past on Mount Sipylos, and not in the same way. Once a gale arose and swept them away; on another occasion violent heat came on after rain and destroyed them; the third time sudden cold caught them and they died.
{1.25.1} Such were the fates I saw befall the locusts. On the Athenian Acropolis is a statue of Pericles, the son of Xanthippos, and one of Xanthippos himself, who fought against the Persians at the naval battle of Mykale. [190] But that of Pericles stands apart, while near Xanthippos stands Anacreon of Teos, the first poet after Sappho of Lesbos to devote himself to love songs, and his posture is as it were that of a man singing when he is drunk.* [191] Deinomenes [192] made the two female figures which stand near, Io, the daughter of Inakhos, and Kallisto, the daughter of Lykaon, of both of whom exactly the same story is told, to wit, love of Zeus, wrath of Hērā, and metamorphosis, Io becoming a cow and Kallisto a bear.
{1.25.2} By the south wall are represented the legendary war with the giants, who once dwelled about Thrace and on the isthmus of Pallene, the battle between the Athenians and the Amazons, the engagement with the Persians at Marathon and the destruction of the Gauls in Mysia. [193] Each is about two cubits, and all were dedicated by Attalos. There stands too Olympiodoros, who won fame for the greatness of his achievements, especially in the crisis when he displayed a brave confidence among men who had met with continuous reverses, and were therefore in despair of winning a single success in the days to come.
{1.25.3} For the disaster at Khairōneia [194] was the beginning of misfortune for all the Greeks, and especially did it enslave those who had been blind to the danger and such as had sided with Macedon. Most of their cities Philip captured; with Athens he nominally came to terms, but really imposed the severest penalties upon it, taking away the islands and putting an end to its maritime empire.* [195] For a time the Athenians remained passive, during the reign of Philip and subsequently of Alexander. But when on the death of Alexander the Macedonians chose Aridaios to be their king, though the whole empire had been entrusted to Antipatros, the Athenians now thought it intolerable if Greece should be for ever under the Macedonians, and themselves embarked on war besides inciting others to join them.
{1.25.4} The cities that took part were, of the Peloponnesians, Argos, Epidaurus, Sikyon, Troizen, the Eleians, the Phliasians, Messene; on the other side of the Corinthian isthmus the people of Lokris, the people of Phokis, the Thessalians, Karystos, the Acarnanians belonging to the Aetolian League. The Boeotians, who occupied the Thebaid territory now that there were no Thebans left to dwell there, in fear lest the Athenians should injure them by founding a settlement on the site of Thebes, refused to join the alliance and lent all their forces to furthering the Macedonian cause.
{1.25.5} Each city ranged under the alliance had its own general, but as commander-in-chief was chosen the Athenian Leosthenes, both because of the fame of his city and also because he had the reputation of being an experienced soldier. He had already proved himself a general benefactor of Greece. All the Greeks that were serving as mercenaries in the armies of Darius and his satraps Alexander had wished to deport to Persia, but Leosthenes was too quick for him, and brought them by sea to Europe. On this occasion too his brilliant actions surpassed expectation, and his death produced a general despair which was chiefly responsible for the defeat. A Macedonian garrison was set over the Athenians, and occupied first Mounukhia and afterwards Peiraieus also and the Long Walls. [196]
{1.25.6} On the death of Antipatros Olympias came over from Epeiros, killed Aridaios, and for a time occupied the throne; but shortly afterwards she was besieged by Kassandros, taken and delivered up to the people. Of the acts of Kassandros when he came to the throne my narrative will deal only with such as concern the Athenians. He seized the fort of Panactum in Attica and also Salamis, and established as tyrant in Athens Demetrios the son of Phanostratos, a man who had won a reputation for wisdom.* [197] This tyrant was put down by Demetrios the son of Antigonos, a young man of strong Greek sympathies.
{1.25.7} But Kassandros, inspired by a deep hatred of the Athenians, made a friend of Lakhares, who up to now had been the popular champion, and induced him also to arrange a tyranny. We know no tyrant who proved so cruel to man and so impious to the gods. Although Demetrios the son of Antigonos was now at variance with the Athenian people, he notwithstanding deposed Lakhares too from his tyranny, who, on the capture of the fortifications, escaped to Boeotia. Lakhares took golden shields from the Acropolis, and stripped even the statue [agalma] of Athena of its removable ornament; he was accordingly suspected of being a very wealthy man,
{1.25.8} and was murdered by some men of Coronea for the sake of this wealth. After freeing the Athenians from tyrants Demetrios the son of Antigonos did not restore the Peiraieus to them immediately after the flight of Lakhares, but subsequently overcame them and brought a garrison even into the upper city, fortifying the place called the Museum [Mouseion]. This is a hill right opposite the Acropolis within the old city boundaries, where legend says Musaeus used to sing, and, dying of old age, was buried.* [198] Afterwards a monument also was erected here to a Syrian. At the time to which I refer Demetrios fortified and held it.
{1.26.1} But afterwards a few men called to mind their forefathers, and the contrast between their present position and the ancient glory of Athens, and without more ado forthwith elected Olympiodoros to be their general. He led them against the Macedonians [199] , both the old men and the youths, and trusted for military success more to enthusiasm than to strength. The Macedonians came out to meet him, but he overcame them, pursued them to the Museum, and captured the position.
{1.26.2} So Athens was delivered from the Macedonians, and though all the Athenians fought memorably, Leokritos the son of Protarkhos is said to have displayed most daring in the engagement. For he was the first to scale the fortification, and the first to rush into the Museum; and when he fell fighting, the Athenians did him great honor, dedicating his shield to Zeus of Freedom and in inscribing on it the name of Leokritos and his exploit.
{1.26.3} This is the greatest achievement of Olympiodoros, not to mention his success in recovering Peiraieus and Mounukhia; and again, when the Macedonians were raiding Eleusis he collected a force of Eleusinians and defeated the invaders. Still earlier than this, when Kassandros had invaded Attica, Olympiodoros sailed to Aetolia and induced the Aetolians to help. This allied force was the main reason why the Athenians escaped war with Kassandros. Olympiodoros has not only honors in Athens, both on the Acropolis and in the town hall but also a portrait at Eleusis. Likewise the people of Phokis who originate from Elateia dedicated at Delphi a bronze statue of Olympiodoros for help in their revolt from Kassandros.
{1.26.4} Near the statue of Olympiodoros stands a bronze statue [agalma] of Artemis surnamed Leukophryne, dedicated by the sons of Themistokles; for the Magnesians, whose city the King had given him to rule, hold Artemis Leukophryne in honor. But my narrative must not linger, as my task is a general description of all Greece. Endoios was an Athenian by birth and a pupil of Daidalos, who also, when Daidalos was in exile because of the death of Kalos, followed him to Crete. Made by him is a statue [agalma] of Athena seated, with an inscription that Kallias dedicated the image, but Endoios made it. [200]
{1.26.5} There is also a building called the Erekhtheion. Before the entrance is an altar of Zeus the Most High, on which they never sacrifice a living creature but offer cakes, not being accustomed to use any wine either. Inside the entrance are altars, one to Poseidon, on which in obedience to an oracle they sacrifice also to Erekhtheus, the second to the hero Boutes, and the third to Hephaistos. On the walls are paintings representing members of the clan Boutadai; there is also inside—the building is double—sea-water in a cistern.* [201] This is no great marvel, for other inland regions have similar wells, in particular Aphrodisias in Caria. But this cistern is remarkable for the noise of waves it sends forth when a south wind blows. On the rock is the outline of a trident. Legend says that these appeared as evidence in support of Poseidon’s claim to the land.
{1.26.6} Both the city and the whole of the land are alike sacred to Athena; for even those who in their demes [dēmoi] have an established worship of other gods nevertheless hold Athena in honor. But the most holy thing that was so considered by all many years before the unification of the demes [dēmoi] is the statue [agalma] of Athena which is on what is now called the Acropolis, but in early days the Polis (City). [202] A tale [ phēmē ] concerning it says that it fell from the sky [ouranos]; whether this is true or not I shall not discuss. A golden lamp [lúkhnon] for the goddess was made by Kallimakhos. [203]
{1.26.7} Having filled the lamp with oil, they wait until the same day next year, and the oil is sufficient for the lamp during the interval, although it is lit up both day and night. The wick in it is of Carpasian flax, [204] the only kind of flax which is fire-proof, and a bronze palm above the lamp reaches to the roof and draws off the smoke. The Kallimakhos who made the lamp, although not of the first rank of artists, was yet of unparalleled cleverness, so that he was the first to drill holes through stones, and gave himself the title of Refiner of Art, or perhaps others gave the title and he adopted it as his.
{1.27.1} In the temple of Athena Polias (of the City) is a wooden Hermes, said to have been dedicated by Kekrops, but not visible because of myrtle boughs. [205] The votive offerings worth noting are, of the old ones, a folding chair made by Daidalos, Persian spoils, namely the breastplate of Masistios, who commanded the cavalry at Plataea, [206] and a scimitar said to have belonged to Mardonios. Now Masistios I know was killed by the Athenian cavalry. But Mardonios was opposed by the Lacedaemonians and was killed by a Spartan; so the Athenians could not have taken the scimitar to begin with, and furthermore the Lacedaemonians would scarcely have let them carry it off.
{1.27.2} About the olive they have nothing to say except that it was testimony the goddess produced when she contended for their land. [207] Legend also says that when the Persians set Athens on fire the olive was burned down, but on the very day it was burned it grew again to the height of two cubits. Adjoining the temple of Athena is the temple of Pandrosos, the only one of the sisters to be faithful to the trust.
{1.27.3} I was much amazed at something that is not generally known, and so I will describe the circumstances.* [208] Two maidens dwell not far from the temple of Athena Polias, called by the Athenians Bearers of the Sacred Offerings. [209] For a time they live with the goddess, but when the festival comes round they perform at night the following rites. Having placed on their heads what the priestess of Athena gives them to carry—neither she who gives nor they who carry have any knowledge what it is—the maidens descend by the natural underground passage that goes across the adjacent precincts, within the city, of Aphrodite in the Gardens. They leave down below what they carry and receive something else which they bring back covered up. These maidens they henceforth let go free, and take up to the Acropolis others in their place.
{1.27.4} By the temple of Athena is the simulacrum of an old woman about a cubit high, the inscription calling her a handmaid of Lysimakhe, and large bronze statues [agalmata] of men facing each other for a fight, one of whom they call Erekhtheus, [210] the other Eumolpos; and yet those Athenians who are acquainted with antiquity must surely know that this victim of Erekhtheus was Immaradus, the son of Eumolpos.
{1.27.5} On the pedestal are also statues of Theainetos, who was seer to Tolmides, and of Tolmides himself, who when in command of the Athenian fleet inflicted severe damage upon the enemy, especially upon the Peloponnesians who dwell along the coast, burned the dock-yards at Gythion and captured Boiai, belonging to the ‘provincials’ [perioikoi], and the island of Cythera. He made a descent on Sikyonia, and, attacked by the citizens as he was ravaging the country, he put them to flight and chased them to the city. Returning afterwards to Athens, he conducted Athenian colonists to Euboea and Naxos and invaded Boeotia with an army. Having ravaged the greater part of the land and reduced Khairōneia by way of a siege, he advanced into the territory of Haliartos, where he was killed in battle and all his army defeated. [211] Such was the history of Tolmides that I learned.
{1.27.6} There are also old statues [agalmata] of Athena, no limbs of which indeed are missing, but they are rather black and too fragile to bear a blow. For they too were caught by the flames when the Athenians had gone on board their ships and the King captured the city emptied of its able-bodied inhabitants.* [212] There is also a boar-hunt (I do not know for certain whether it is the Calydonian boar) and Kyknos fighting with Hēraklēs. This Kyknos is said to have killed, among others, Lykos the Thracian, a prize having been proposed for the winner of the duel, but near the river Peneios he was himself killed by Hēraklēs.
{1.27.7} One of the Troizenian legends about Theseus is the following. When Hēraklēs visited Pittheus at Troizen, he laid aside his lion’s skin to eat his dinner, and there came in to see him some Troizenian children with Theseus, then about seven years of age. The story goes that when they saw the skin the other children ran away, but Theseus slipped out not much afraid, seized an axe from the servants and straightway attacked the skin in earnest, thinking it to be a lion.
{1.27.8} This is the first Troizenian legend about Theseus. The next is that Aigeus placed boots and a sword under a rock as tokens for the child, and then sailed away to Athens; Theseus, when sixteen years old, pushed the rock away and departed, taking what Aigeus had deposited. There is a representation of this legend on the Acropolis, everything in bronze except the rock.
{1.27.9} There is another deed [ergon] that they [= the Athenians] have represented-in-the-form-of-a-dedicatory-offering [ana-tithenai], and here is the tale [logos] that pertains to that deed. The land of the Cretans and especially the part that is next to the river Tethris was ravaged by a bull. You see, beasts [thēria] in ancient times were much more formidable for humans. For example, there is the Nemean lion. And the lion of Parnassus. And so many serpents [drakontes] in many parts of Greece [Hellas]. And then there are the boars of Calydon and Erymanthos.
Also the one from Krommyon in the land of Corinth. Itwas said that some [of these beasts] were sent up from the earth down below, that others were sacred [hiera] to the gods, while still others had been let loose for the punishment [tīmōriā] of humankind. In the case of this bull as well, the Cretans say that it was sent by Poseidon to their land because, although Minos was ruler [arkhōn] of the Greek [Hellēnikē] Sea, he did not give more honor [tīmē] to Poseidon than to the other gods.
{1.27.10} Anyway, they say that this bull was conveyed [komizesthai] from Crete to the Peloponnesus, and became one of what are called the Twelve Labors [āthloi] of Hēraklēs. [213] When he was set loose on the Plain of the Argives he fled [pheugein] through the isthmus of Corinth and then fled [pheugein] further* [214] into the land of Attica as far as the Attic deme [dēmos] of Marathon, killing everyone he encountered, including Androgeos, son of Minos. Minos then sailed against Athens with his navy, not believing that the Athenians were innocent of the death of Androgeos, and oppressed them so badly that it was finally agreed that they [= the Athenians] would bring seven girls [parthenoi] and seven boys [paides] to the Minotaur who was said to dwell [oikeîn] in the Labyrinth [laburinthos] at Knossos. But, later on, Theseus is said to have driven the bull of Marathon to the Acropolis, where he sacrificed [thuein] it to the goddess [Athena]. And the dedicatory-offering [ana-thēma] [that signals this deed] is from the deme [dēmos] of Marathon.
{1.28.1} Why they set up a bronze statue of Kylon in spite of his plotting a tyranny [215] , I cannot say for certain; but I infer that it was because he was very beautiful to look upon, and of no undistinguished fame, having won an Olympian victory in the double foot-race, while he had married the daughter of Theagenes, tyrant of Megara.
{1.28.2} Above and beyond the things that I have listed so far in my inventory, there are two tithes [dekatai] dedicated by the Athenians in the aftermath of wars.* [216] There is first a bronze statue [agalma] of Athena, tithe [dekatē] from the [victory over the] Persians who landed at Marathon. It is the work [tekhnē] of Pheidias, but the reliefs upon the shield, including the fight between Centaurs and Lapithai, are said to be the metalwork of someone named Mys, [217] for whom they say Parrhasios son of Euenor designed this and the rest of his works [erga]. The point of the spear of this Athena and the crest of her helmet are already visible to those sailing to Athens as they pass by Cape Sounion. The other tithe [dekatē] is a bronze chariot, offered by the Boeotians and by the people of Khalkis in Euboea. [218] There are two other offerings, a statue of Pericles, the son of Xanthippos, and the best worth seeing of the works of Pheidias, the statue [agalma] of Athena called Lemnian after those who dedicated it.
{1.28.3} All the Acropolis is surrounded by a wall;* [219] a part was constructed by Kimon, son of Miltiades, but all the rest is said to have been built round it by the Pelasgians, who once lived under the Acropolis.* [220] The builders, they say, were Agrolas and Hyperbios. On inquiring who they were I could discover nothing except that they were Sicilians originally who emigrated to Akarnania.
{1.28.4} Descending, not to the lower city, but to just beneath the Propylaia [‘Gateway’], you see a fountain [pēgē] and near it a sacred space [hieron] of Apollo in a cave [spēlaion]. It was here, according to traditional-thinking [nomizein], that Apollo had sex with Kreousa, daughter of Erekhtheus.* [221] [There seems to be a gap here in the text.] When the Persians had landed in Attica, Philippides was sent as a messenger [from Marathon] to Lacedaemon. When he returned [to Marathon], he said that the Lacedaemonians had postponed sending out [any reinforcements], on the grounds that it was their custom not to go out to fight before the circle of the moon was full. Philippides went on to say that near Mount Parthenios he had been met by Pan, who told him that he is kindly-disposed [eu-nous] to the Athenians and would come as their ally [summakhos] to Marathon. This deity, then, gets honored [tīmâsthai] in return for this message [angeliā].
{1.28.5} There is also the Hill of Ares [Areiopagos], so named because Ares was the first to be tried here; my narrative has already told that he killed Halirrhothios, and what were his grounds for this act. Afterwards, they say, Orestes was tried for killing his mother, and there is an altar to Athena Areia ([‘Warlike’]), which he dedicated on being acquitted. The unhewn stones on which stand the defendants and the prosecutors, they call the stone of Hubris [‘Outrage’] and the stone of Anaideia [‘Shamelessness’].
{1.28.6} Close by is a sanctuary of the goddesses which the Athenians call the Semnai [‘the august ones’], but Hesiod in the Theogony* [222] calls them Erinyes [‘Furies’]. It was Aeschylus who first represented them with snakes in their hair. But on the statues [agalma] neither of these nor of any of the under-world deities is there anything terrible. There are statues [agalmata ]of Pluto [Ploutōn], Hermes, and Earth, by which sacrifice those who have received an acquittal on the Hill of Ares; sacrifices are also offered on other occasions by both citizens and aliens.
{1.28.7} Within the precincts is a monument to Oedipus, whose bones, after diligent inquiry, I found were brought from Thebes.* [223] The account of the death of Oedipus in the drama of Sophocles* [224] I am prevented from believing by Homer, who says that after the death of Oedipus Mekisteus came to Thebes and took part in the funeral games.
{1.28.8} The Athenians have other law courts as well, which are not so famous. We have the Parabystum and the Triangle; the former is in an obscure part of the city, and in it the most trivial cases are tried; the latter is named from its shape. The names of Green Court and Red Court, due to their colors, have lasted down to the present day. The largest court, to which the greatest numbers come, is called Heliaia. One of the other courts that deal with bloodshed is called (…) Palladium, into which are brought cases of involuntary homicide. All are agreed that Demophon was the first to be tried there, but as to the nature of the charge accounts differ.
{1.28.9} It is reported that after the capture of Troy Diomedes was returning home with his fleet when night overtook them as in their voyage they were off Phaleron. The Argives landed, under the impression that it was hostile territory, the darkness preventing them from seeing that it was Attica. Thereupon they say that Demophon, he too being unaware of the facts and ignorant that those who had landed were Argives, attacked them and, having killed a number of them, went off with the Palladium.* [225] An Athenian, however, not seeing before him in the dark, was knocked over by the horse of Demophon, trampled upon and killed. Whereupon Demophon was brought to trial, some say by the relatives of the man who was trampled upon, others say by the Argive commonwealth.
{1.28.10} At Delphinium are tried those who claim that they have committed justifiable homicide, the plea put forward by Theseus when he was acquitted, after having killed Pallas, who had risen in revolt against him, and his sons. Before Theseus was acquitted it was the established custom among all men for the shedder of blood to go into exile, or, if he remained, to be put to a similar death. The Court in the Prytaneion, as it is called, where they try iron and all similar inanimate things, had its origin, I believe, in the following incident. It was when Erekhtheus was king of Athens that the ox-slayer first killed an ox at the altar of Zeus Polieus.* [226] Leaving the axe where it lay he went out of the land into exile, and the axe was forthwith tried and acquitted, and the trial has been repeated year by year down to the present.
{1.28.11} Furthermore, it is also said that inanimate objects have on occasion of their own accord inflicted righteous retribution upon men, of this the scimitar of Cambyses affords the best and most famous instance. [227] Near the sea at the Peiraieus is Phreattys. Here it is that men in exile, when a further charge has been brought against them in their absence, make their defense on a ship while the judges listen on land. The legend is that Teukros first defended himself in this way before Telamon, urging that he was guiltless in the matter of the death of Ajax. Let this account suffice for those who are interested to learn about the law courts.
{1.29.1} Near the Hill of Ares is shown a ship built for the procession of the Panathenaia.* [228] This ship, I suppose, has been surpassed in size by others, but I know of no builder who has beaten the vessel at Delos, with its nine banks of oars below the deck.
{1.29.2} Outside the city, too, in the demes [dēmoi] and on the roads, the Athenians have sanctuaries of the gods, and tombs of heroes and of men. The nearest is the Academy, once the property of a private individual, but in my time a gymnasium. As you go down to it you come to a precinct of Artemis, and wooden images of Ariste (Best) and Kalliste (Fairest). In my opinion, which is supported by the poems of Pamphos, these are surnames of Artemis. There is another account of them, which I know but shall omit. Then there is a small temple, into which every year on fixed days they carry the statue [agalma] of Dionysus Eleuthereus.
{1.29.3} Such are their sanctuaries here, and of the tombs the first is that of Thrasyboulos son of Lykos, in all respects the greatest of all famous Athenians, whether they lived before him or after him. The greater number of his achievements I shall pass by, but the following facts will suffice to bear out my assertion. He put down what is known as the tyranny of the Thirty, [229] setting out from Thebes with a force amounting at first to sixty men; he also persuaded the Athenians, who were torn by factions, to be reconciled, and to abide by their compact. His is the first tomb, and after it come those of Pericles, Khabrias, [230] and Phormion. [231]
{1.29.4} There is also a monument [mnēma] for all the Athenians who happened to die in war, whether in battles [makhai] at sea or on land, except for those who had their struggle [agōnizesthai] at Marathon. These, on account of their manly valor [andragathiā], have their burial-places [taphoi] on the field-of-battle [khōrā], but the others lie along the road to the Academy [Akadēmiā], and over their burial-places [taphoi] stand slabs [stēlai] that say [by way of inscriptions] the name and the deme [dēmos] of each. First were buried those who in Thrace, after a victorious advance as far as Drabeskos, [232] were unexpectedly attacked by the Edonians and slaughtered. There is also a legend that they were struck by lightning.
{1.29.5} Among the generals were Leagros, to whom was entrusted chief command of the army, and Sophanes of Decelea, who killed when he came to the help of the Aeginetans Eurybates the Argive, who won the prize in the pentathlon [233] at the Nemean games. This was the third expedition which the Athenians dispatched out of Greece. For against Priam and the Trojans war was made with one accord by all the Greeks; but by themselves the Athenians sent armies, first with Iolaos to Sardinia, secondly to what is now Ionia, and thirdly on the present occasion to Thrace.
{1.29.6} Before the monument is a slab on which are horsemen fighting. Their names are Melanopos and Makartatos, who met their death fighting against the Lacedaemonians and Boeotians on the borders of Eleon and Tanagra. There is also a tomb of Thessalian horsemen who, by reason of an old alliance, came when the Peloponnesians with Arkhidamos invaded Attica with an army for the first time, [234] and close by that of Cretan bowmen. Again there are monuments to Athenians: to Cleisthenes, who invented the system of the phulai at present existing, [235] and to horsemen who died when the Thessalians shared the fortune of war with the Athenians.
{1.29.7} Here too lie the men of Kleone, who came with the Argives into Attica; [236] the occasion whereof I shall set forth when in the course of my narrative I come to the Argives. There is also the tomb of the Athenians who fought against the Aeginetans before the Persian invasion. It was surely a just decree even for a democracy when the Athenians actually allowed slaves a public funeral, and to have their names inscribed on a slab, which declares that in the war they proved good men and true to their masters. There are also monuments of other men, their fields of battle lying in various regions. Here lie the most renowned of those who went against Olynthus, [237] and Melesandros who sailed with a fleet along the Maeander into upper Caria; [238]
{1.29.8} also those who died in the war with Kassandros, and the Argives who once fought as the allies of Athens. It is said that the alliance between the two peoples was brought about thus. Sparta was once shaken by an earthquake, and the Helots seceded to Ithome. [239] After the secession the Lacedaemonians sent for help to various places, including Athens, which dispatched picked troops under the command of Kimon, the son of Miltiades. These the Lacedaemonians dismissed, because they suspected them.
{1.29.9} The Athenians regarded the insult as intolerable, and on their way back made an alliance with the Argives, the immemorial enemies of the Lacedaemonians. Afterwards, when a battle was imminent at Tanagra, [240] the Athenians opposing the Boeotians and Lacedaemonians, the Argives reinforced the Athenians. For a time the Argives had the better, but night came on and took from them the assurance of their victory, and on the next day the Lacedaemonians had the better, as the Thessalians betrayed the Athenians.
{1.29.10} It occurred to me to tell of the following men also, firstly Apollodoros, commander of the mercenaries, who was an Athenian dispatched by Arsites, satrap of Phrygia by the Hellespont, and saved their city for the Perinthians when Philip had invaded their territory with an army. [241] He, then, is buried here, and also Euboulos [242] the son of Spintharos, along with men who though brave were not attended by good fortune; some attacked Lakhares when he was tyrant, others planned the capture of the Peiraieus when in the hands of a Macedonian garrison, but before the deed could be accomplished were betrayed by their accomplices and put to death.
{1.29.11} Here also lie those who fell near Corinth. [243] The god [theos] showed most distinctly here and again at Leuktra [244] that those whom the Greeks call brave are as nothing if Good Fortune be not with them, seeing that the Lacedaemonians, who had on this occasion overcome Corinthians and Athenians, and furthermore Argives and Boeotians, were afterwards at Leuktra so utterly overthrown by the Boeotians alone. After those who were killed in Corinth, we come across elegiac verses declaring that one and the same slab has been erected to those who died in Euboea and Chios, [245] and to those who perished in the remote parts of the continent of Asia, or in Sicily.
{1.29.12} The names of the generals are inscribed with the exception of Nikias, and among the private soldiers are included the Plataeans along with the Athenians. This is the reason why Nikias was passed over, and my account is identical with that of Philistos, who says that while Demosthenes made a truce for the others and excluded himself, attempting to commit suicide when taken prisoner, Nikias voluntarily submitted to the surrender. [246] For this reason Nikias had not his name inscribed on the slab, being condemned as a voluntary prisoner and an unworthy soldier.
{1.29.13} On another slab are the names of those who fought in the region of Thrace and at Megara [247] , and when Alcibiades persuaded the Arcadians in Mantineia and the Eleians to revolt from the Lacedaemonians [248] , and of those who were victorious over the Syracusans before Demosthenes arrived in Sicily. Here were buried also those who fought in the sea-fights near the Hellespont [249] , those who opposed the Macedonians at Khairōneia [250] , those who were killed at Delium in the territory of Tanagra [251] , the men Leosthenes led into Thessaly, those who sailed with Kimon to Cyprus [252] , and of those who with Olympiodoros [253] expelled the garrison not more than thirteen men.
{1.29.14} The Athenians declare that when the Romans were waging a border war they sent a small force to help them, and later on five Attic warships assisted the Romans in a naval action against the Carthaginians. Accordingly these men also have their tomb here. The achievements of Tolmides and his men, and the manner of their death, I have already set forth, and any who are interested may take note that they are buried along this road. Here lie too those who with Kimon achieved the great feat of winning a land and naval victory on one and the same day. [254]
{1.29.15} Here also are buried Konon and Timotheus, father and son, the second pair thus related to accomplish illustrious deeds, Miltiades and Kimon being the first; Zeno too, the son of Mnaseas and Khrysippos [255] of Soloi, Nikias the son of Nikomedes, the best painter from life of all his contemporaries, Harmodios and Aristogeiton, who killed Hipparkhos, the son of Peisistratos; there are also two orators, Ephialtes, who was chiefly responsible for the abolition of the privileges of the Areiopagos [256] , and Lycurgus (Lykourgos), [257] the son of Lykophron;
{1.29.16} Lycurgus (Lykourgos)* [258] provided for the state-treasury six thousand five hundred talents more than Pericles, the son of Xanthippos, collected, and furnished for the procession of the goddess golden figures of Nike and ornaments for a hundred girls; for war he provided arms and missiles, besides increasing the fleet to four hundred warships. As for buildings, he completed the theater that others had begun, while during his political life he built ship-sheds [neōs oikoi] at the dockyards in Peiraieus. [259] ; he built also the gymnasium near what is called the Lyceum. Everything made of silver or gold became part of the plunder that Laoites made away with when he became tyrant, but the buildings remained to my time.
{1.30.1} Before the entrance to the Academy is an altar to Eros, with an inscription that Kharmos was the first Athenian to dedicate an altar to that god. The altar within the city called the altar of Ant-eros they say was dedicated by resident aliens, because the Athenian Meles, spurning the love of Timagoras, a resident alien, ordered him to ascend to the highest point of the rock and cast himself down. Now Timagoras took no account of his life, and was ready to gratify the youth in any of his requests, so he went and cast himself down. When Meles saw that Timagoras was dead, he suffered such pangs of remorse that he threw himself from the same rock and so died. From this time the resident aliens worshipped as Ant-eros the avenging spirit of Timagoras.
{1.30.2} In the Academy is an altar to Prometheus, and from it they run to the city carrying burning torches. The contest is while running to keep the torch still alight; if the torch of the first runner goes out, he has no longer any claim to victory, but the second runner has. If his torch also goes out, then the third man is the victor. If all the torches go out, no one is left to be winner.* [260] There is an altar to the Muses, and another to Hermes, and one insider to Athena, and they have built one to Hēraklēs. There is also an olive tree, accounted to be the second that appeared.
{1.30.3} Not far from the Academy is the monument of Plato,* [261] to whom the god [theos] foretold [pro-sēmainein] that he would be the best [aristos] when it comes to philosophy. The manner of the foretelling [pro-sēmainein] was this. On the night before Plato was to become his pupil Socrates dreamed that saw a swan [kuknos] fly into his insides [kolpos]. Now the swan is a bird with a reputation for the art of the Muses [mousikē], because, they say, a practitioner of the art of the Muses [mousikos] by the name of Swan [Kuknos] became king of the Ligyes on the other side of the Eridanos beyond the Celtic territory, and after his death by the will of Apollo he was changed into the bird. I am ready to believe that a practitioner of the art of the Muses [mousikos] became king of the Ligyes, but I cannot believe that a bird was generated out of a man.
{1.30.4} In this part of the country is seen the tower of Timon, the only man to see that there is no way to be happy except to shun other men. There is also pointed out a place called the Kolōnos Hippios [‘Hill of Horses’], the first point in Attica, they say, that Oedipus reached* [262] —this account too differs from that given by Homer, but it is nevertheless current tradition—and an altar to PoseidonHippios [‘Horse God’], and to Athena Hippia[‘Horse Goddess’], and a hero-shrine [hērōion] that is sacred to Peirithoos and Theseus, Oedipus and Adrastos. The grove and temple of Poseidon were burned by Antigonos [263] when he invaded Attica, who at other times also ravaged the land of the Athenians.
{1.31.1} The small demes [dēmoi] of Attica, which were founded severally as chance would have it, presented the following noteworthy features. At Alimus is a sanctuary of Demeter Lawgiver and of the Maiden, and at Zoster (Waistband) on the coast is an altar to Athena, as well as to Apollo, to Artemis and to Leto. The story is that Leto did not give birth to her children here, but loosened her waistband with a view to her delivery, and the place received its name from this incident. Prospalta has also a sanctuary of the Maiden and Demeter, and Anagyrus a sanctuary of the Mother of the gods. At Cephale the chief cult is that of the Dioskouroi, for the in habitants call them the Great gods.
{1.31.2} At Prasiai is a temple of Apollo. Hither they say are sent the first-fruits of the Hyperboreans, and the Hyperboreans are said to hand them over to the Arimaspi, the Arimaspi to the Issedones, from these the Scythians bring them to Sinope, thence they are carried by Greeks to Prasiai, and the Athenians take them to Delos. The first-fruits are hidden in wheat straw, and they are known of none. There is at Prasiai a monument to Erysikhthon, who died on the voyage home from Delos, after the sacred mission thither.
{1.31.3} How Amphiktyon banished Cranaus, his kinsman by marriage and king of Athens, I have already related. They say that fleeing with his supporters to the deme [dēmos] of Lamptrai he died and was buried there, and at the present day there is a monument to Kranaos at Lamptrai. At Potamoi in Attica is also the tomb of Ion the son of Xouthos—for he too dwelled among the Athenians and was their commander-in-chief in the war with Eleusis.
{1.31.4} Such is the legend. Phlya and Myrrhinus have altars of Apollo Dionysodotos, Artemis Light-bearer, Dionysus Flower-god, the Ismenian nymphs and Earth, whom they name the Great goddess; a second temple contains altars of Demeter Anesidora (Sender-up of Gifts), Zeus Ktesios (God of Gain), Tithrone Athena, the Maiden First-born and the goddesses styled August. The wooden image at Myrrhinοus is of Κolainis.
{1.31.5} Athmonia worships Artemis Amarysia. On inquiry I discovered that the guides knew nothing about these deities, so I give my own conjecture. Amarynthos is a town in Euboea, the inhabitants of which worship Amarysia, while the festival of Amarysia which the Athenians celebrate is no less splendid than the Euboean. The name of the goddess, I think, came to Athmonia in this fashion and the Kolainis in Myrrhinous is named after Kolainos. I have already written that many of the inhabitants of the demes [dēmoi] say that they were ruled by kings even before the reign of Kekrops.* [264] Now Kolainos, say the Myrrhinusians, is the name of a man who ruled before Kekrops became king.
{1.31.6} There is a deme [dēmos] called Akharnai, where they worship Apollo Agyieus (God of Streets) and Hēraklēs, and there is an altar of Athena Hygieia. And they call upon the name of Athena Horse-goddess and Dionysus Singer and Dionysus Ivy, saying that the plant ivy first appeared there.
{1.32.1} The Attic mountains are Pentelikos, where there are quarries, Parnes, where there is hunting of wild boars and of bears, and Hymettos, which grows the most suitable pasture for bees, except that of the Alazones. [265] For these people have actually bees ranging free, tamely following the other creatures when they go to pasture. These bees are not kept shut up in hives, and they work in any part of the land they happen to visit. They produce a solid mass from which you cannot separate either wax or honey. Such then is its nature.
{1.32.2} The Athenians have also statues [agalmata]of gods on their mountains. On Pentelikos is a statue [agalma] of Athena, on Hymettos one of Zeus Hymettios. There are altars both of Zeus Rain-god and of Apollo Foreseer. On Parnes is a bronze Zeus Parnethios, and an altar to Zeus Semaleus (Sign-giving). There is on Parnes another altar, and on it they make sacrifice, calling Zeus sometimes Rain-god, sometimes Averter of Ills. Ankhesmos is a mountain of no great size, with a statue [agalma] of Zeus Ankhesmios.
{1.32.3} Before turning to a description of the islands, I follow up further on matters having to do with the demes [dēmoi] [of Attica]. [266] There is a deme [dēmos] called Marathon, equally distant from the city [polis] of the Athenians and from Karystos in Euboea. It was at this point in Attica that the foreigners [barbaroi, = Persians] landed, were defeated [krateîsthai] in battle, and lost some of their ships as they were trying to pull away [from the shore]. [267] On the plain [pedíon] is the tomb [taphos] of the Athenians, and upon it are slabs [stēlai] with [inscriptions of] the names of those killed, organized by way of their subdivisions [phūlai]; and there is another tomb for the men of Plataea from Boeotia and also for the slaves. You see, slaves too fought there, and it was the first time that this happened.
{1.32.4} There is also an individual monument [mnēma] for one man, Miltiades son of Kimon, although his end [teleutē] happened later, after he had failed to capture Paros and for this reason had been put on trial by the Athenians. At this place [= Marathon] every night you can hear horses neighing and you can sense that men are fighting in combat. No one who has deliberately set out to experience this vision [théā] in-full-view [en-argēs] has ever really had any success, but still, if something is experienced in some alternative way by someone who has no ear for such things, this is no cause for anger [orgē] on the part of the spirits [daimones]. The people of Marathon worship [sebesthai] both those who died in the fighting, calling them heroes [hērōes], and also [the hero] Marathon, from whom the deme [dēmos] derives its name, and then Hēraklēs, saying that they were the first among the Greeks to establish-the-custom-of-venerating [nomizein] him as a god [theos].* [268]
{1.32.5} They [= the people of Marathon] tell about something that happened at the battle [makhē] [of Marathon]. It was the presence of a man who had the looks [eidos] of a farmer [agr-oikos]—and implements [skeuē] to match. Wielding a plough [arotron] he slaughtered with it many of the foreigners [barbaroi, = Persians], and then, after having done what-was-done [ergon] he disappeared [= became a-phanēs]. When the Athenians consulted the god [Apollo], he did not give-an-oracular-answer [khrēsai] with regard to him [= the man with the plough] but simply commanded them to honor [tīmân] Ekhetlaios (= he of the plough-handle) as a hero [hērōs]. A trophy-column [tropaion] of white marble has been made [to mark the turning-point or tropaion of the battle of Marathon]. The Athenians say that they buried the Persians, since it is a universally [pantōs] holy-thing [hosion] for the corpse [nekros] of a human to be covered by the earth, but I could not find any tomb [taphos] for them. There was neither a tumulus [khōma] nor any other marker [sēmeion] to be seen. They must have carried them [= the dead Persians], just as they found them, to some ditch and tossed them in.
{1.32.6} In Marathon is a spring [pēgē] called Makaria, and what they say about it is as follows. When Hēraklēs left Tiryns, fleeing from Eurystheus, he went to live with his friend Keyx, who was king of Trakhis. When Hēraklēs departed the life of humans [anthrōpoi], Eurystheus demanded his children. But the king of Trakhis sent them to Athens, saying that he was weak while Theseus was hardly powerless to protect them. The arrival of the children as suppliants [hiketai] caused for the first time war between Peloponnesians and Athenians, since Theseus refused to give them up [= the children of Hēraklēs] at the demand of Eurystheus. And they say that an oracle [khrēsmos] was given the Athenians that one of the children of Hēraklēs must die a voluntary death, or else victory [nīkē] could not be theirs. Then Makaria,* [269] daughter of Deianeira and Hēraklēs, slaughtered [apo-sphazein] herself and gave to the Athenians the upper hand [kratos] in the war and to the spring [pēgē] her own name.
{1.32.7} There is at Marathon a lake [limnē] which for the most part is marshy [hel-ōdēs]. Into this lake fell the foreigners [barbaroi, = the Persians] as they were turning and running [after the battle], since they did not know their way around the roads, and it is said that much of the slaughter [phonos] that followed was because of this. Above the lake are the stone stables of the horses of Artaphernes, and there are marks [sēmeia] of his tent [skēnē] on the rocks. Out of the lake flows a river, providing near the lake itself water suitable for cattle, but near its mouth it becomes saline and full of sea fish. A little beyond the plain is the Hill of Pan and a Cave of Pan, which is worth seeing [théā]. The entrance to it is narrow, but farther in are chambers and baths and the so-called Pan’s herd of goats, which are rocks that look very much like goats.
{1.33.1} At some distance from Marathon is Brauron, where, according to the legend, Iphigenia, the daughter of Agamemnon, landed carrying the statue [agalma] of Artemis when she fled from Tauroi; leaving the statue [agalma] there she came to Athens also and afterwards to Argos.* [270] There is indeed an old wooden image of Artemis here, but who in my opinion have the one taken from the foreigners I will set forth in another place.
{1.33.2} About sixty stadium-lengths from Marathon as you go along the road by the sea to Oropos stands Rhamnous. The houses [oikēseis] for human habitation are on the coast, but a little way inland is a sacred space [hieron] of Nemesis, who of all the gods [theoi] is the most inexorable toward humans who-commit-outrage [hubristai]. It is thought that the wrath [mēnīma] of this goddess [theos feminine] countered the foreigners [barbaroi, = Persians] who landed at Marathon. Scornfully thinking that nothing stood in the way of their capturing Athens, they were bringing a piece of Parian marble for the making [poiēsis] of a trophy [tropaion], as if their task were already finished.
{1.33.3} Of this marble Pheidias made a statue [agalma] of Nemesis, and on the head of the goddess [theos feminine] is a garland [stephanos] picturing deer and small statues [agalmata] of Nike. In her left hand she holds an apple branch, in her right hand a cup on which are crafted the figures of Aethiopians.* [271] As to the Aethiopians, I could hazard no guess myself, nor could I accept the statement of those who are convinced that the Aethiopians have been carved upon the cup be cause of the river Okeanos. For the Aethiopians, they say, dwell near it, and Okeanos is the father of Nemesis.* [272]
{1.33.4} It is not the river Okeanos, but the farthest part of the sea navigated by man, near which dwell the Iberians and the Celts, and Okeanos surrounds the island of Britain. But of the Aethiopians beyond Syene, those who live farthest in the direction of the Red Sea are the Ichthyophagoi (Fish-eaters), and the gulf round which they live is called after them. The most righteous of them inhabit the city Meroe and what is called the Aethiopian plain. These are they who show the Table of the Sun, [273] and they have neither sea nor river except the Nile.
{1.33.5} There are other Aethiopians who are neighbors of the Mauroi and extend as far as the Nasamones. For the Nasamones, whom Herodotus calls the Atlantes, and those who profess to know the measurements of the earth, named the Lixitai, are the Libyans who live the farthest close to Mount Atlas, and they do not till the ground at all, but live on wild vines. But neither these Aethiopians nor yet the Nasamones have any river. For the water near Atlas, which provides a beginning to three streams, does not make any of the streams a river, as the sand swallows it all up at once. So the Aethiopians dwell near no river Okeanos.* [274]
{1.33.6} The water from Atlas is muddy, and near the source were crocodiles of not less than two cubits, which when the men approached dashed down into the spring. The thought has occurred to many that it is the reappearance of this water out of the sand which gives the Nile to Egypt. Mount Atlas is so high that its peaks are said to touch the sky [ouranos], but is inaccessible because of the water and the presence everywhere of trees. Its region indeed near the Nasamones is known, but we know of nobody yet who has sailed along the parts facing the sea. I must now resume.
{1.33.7} Neither this nor any other ancient statue [agalma] of Nemesis has wings, for not even the holiest wooden images of the Smyrnaeans have them, but later artists, convinced that the goddess manifests herself most as a consequence of love, give wings to Nemesis as they do to Love. I will now go on to describe what is figured on the pedestal of the statue [agalma], having made this preface for the sake of clearness. The Greeks say that Nemesis was the mother of Helen, while Leda suckled and nursed her. The father of Helen the Greeks like everybody else hold to be not Tyndareus but Zeus.
{1.33.8} Having heard this legend Pheidias has represented Helen as being led to Nemesis by Leda, and he has represented Tyndareus and his children with a man Hippeus by name standing by with a horse. There are Agamemnon and Menelaos and Pyrrhos, the son of Achilles and first husband of Hermione, the daughter of Helen. Orestes was passed over because of his crime against his mother, yet Hermione stayed by his side in everything and bore him a child. Next upon the pedestal is one called Epochus and another youth; the only thing I heard about them was that they were brothers of Oinoe, from whom the deme [dēmos] has its name.
{1.34.1} The land of Oropus, between Attica and the land of Tanagra, which originally belonged to Boeotia, in our time belongs to the Athenians, who always fought for it but never won secure possession until Philip gave it to them after taking Thebes. The city is on the coast and affords nothing remarkable to record. About twelve stadium-lengths from the city is a sanctuary of Amphiaraos.
{1.34.2} Legend says that when Amphiaraos was exiled from Thebes the earth opened and swallowed both him and his chariot. Only they say that the incident did not happen here, the place called the Chariot being on the road from Thebes to Khalkis. The divinity of Amphiaraos was first established among the Oropians, from whom afterwards all the Greeks received the cult.* [275] I can enumerate other men also born at this time who are worshipped among the Greeks as gods; some even have cities dedicated to them, such as Elaious in Chersonnesus dedicated to Protesilaos, and Lebadea of the Boeotians dedicated to Trophonios. The Oropians have both a temple and a white marble statue [agalma] of Amphiaraos.
{1.34.3} The altar shows parts. One part is to Hēraklēs, Zeus, and Apollo Healer, another is given up to heroes and to wives of heroes, the third is to Hestia and Hermes and Amphiaraos and the children of Amphilokhos. But Alkmaion, because of his treatment of Eriphyle, is honored neither in the temple of Amphiaraos nor yet with Amphilokhos. The fourth portion of the altar is to Aphrodite and Panacea, and further to Iaso, Hygieia and Athena Healer. The fifth is dedicated to the nymphs and to Pan, and to the rivers Akhelōos and Kephisos. The Athenians too have an altar to Amphilokhos in the city, and there is at Mallus in Cilicia an oracle of his which is the most trustworthy of my day.
{1.34.4} The Oropians have near the temple a spring, which they call the Spring of Amphiaraos; they neither sacrifice into it nor are accustomed to use it for purifications or for lustral water. But when a man has been cured of a disease through a response the custom is to throw silver and coined gold into the spring, for by this way they say that Amphiaraos rose up after he had become a god.* [276] Iophon of Knossos, a guide, produced responses in hexameter verse, saying that Amphiaraos gave them to the Argives who were sent against Thebes. These verses unrestrainedly appealed to popular taste. Except those whom they say Apollo inspired of old none of the seers uttered oracles, but they were good at explaining dreams and interpreting the flights of birds and the entrails of victims.
{1.34.5} My opinion is that Amphiaraos devoted himself most to the exposition of dreams. It is manifest that, when his divinity was established, it was a dream oracle that he set up.* [277] One who has come to consult Amphiaraos is accustomed first to purify himself. The mode of purification is to sacrifice to the god, and they sacrifice not only to him but also to all those whose names are on the altar. And when all these things have been first done, they sacrifice a ram, and, spreading the skin under them, go to sleep and await enlightenment in a dream.
{1.35.1} There are islands not far from Attica. Of the one called the Island of Patroklos I have already given an account. [278] There is another when you have sailed past Sounion with Attica on the left. On this they say that Helen landed after the capture of Troy,
{1.35.2} and for this reason the name of the island is Helene. Salamis lies over against Eleusis, and stretches as far as the territory of Megara. It is said that the first to give this name to the island was Cychreus, who called it after his mother Salamis, the daughter of Asopos, and afterwards it was colonized by the Aeginetans with Telamon. Philaios the son of Eurysakes the son of Ajax, is said to have handed the island over to the Athenians, having been made an Athenian by them. Many years afterwards the Athenians drove out all the Salaminians, having discovered that they had been guilty of treachery in the war with Kassandros, [279] and mainly of set purpose had surrendered to the Macedonians. They sentenced to death Aiskhetades, who on this occasion had been elected general for Salamis, and they swore never to forget the treachery of the Salaminians.
{1.35.3} There are still the remains of a marketplace, a temple of Ajax and his statue [agalma] in ebony. Even at the present day the Athenians pay honors to Ajax himself and to Eurysaces, for there is an altar of Eurysaces also in Athens. In Salamis is shown a stone not far from the harbor, on which they say that Telamon sat when he gazed at the ship in which his children were sailing away to Aulis to take part in the joint expedition of the Greeks.
{1.35.4} Those who dwell about Salamis say that it was when Ajax died that the flower first appeared in their country. It is white and tinged with red, both flower and leaves being smaller than those of the lily; there are letters on it like to those on the iris. About the judgment concerning the armor I heard a story of the Aeolians who afterwards settled at Ilion, to the effect that when Odysseus suffered shipwreck the armor was cast ashore near the tomb of Ajax. As to the hero’s size, a Mysian was my informant.
{1.35.5} He said that the sea flooded the side of the tomb facing the beach and made it easy a enter the tomb, and he told me to form an estimate of the size of the corpse in the following way. The bones on his knees, called by doctors the knee-pan, were in the case of Ajax as big as the discus of a boy in the pentathlon. I saw nothing to wonder at in the stature of those Celts who live farthest of on the borders of the land which is uninhabited because of the cold; these people, the Cabares, are no bigger than Egyptian corpses. But I will relate all that appeared to me worth seeing.
{1.35.6} For the Magnesians on the Lethaios, Protophanes, one of the citizens, won at Olympia in one day victories in the pankration [280] and in wrestling. Into the tomb of this man robbers entered, thinking to gain some advantage, and after the robbers people came in to see the corpse, which had ribs not separated but joined together from the shoulders to the smallest ribs, those called by doctors bastard. Before the city of the Milesians is an island called Lade, and from it certain islets are detached. One of these they call the islet of Asterios, and say that Asterios was buried in it, and that Asterios was the son of Anax, and Anax the son of Earth. Now the corpse is not less than ten cubits.
{1.35.7} But what really caused me surprise is this. There is a small city of upper Lydia called The Doors of Temenus. There a crest broke away in a storm, and there appeared bones the shape of which led one to suppose that they were human, but from their size one would never have thought it. At once the story spread among the multitude that it was the corpse of Geryon, the son of Khrysaor, and that the seat also was his. For there is a man’s seat carved on a rocky spur of the mountain. And a torrent they called the river Okeanos, and they said that men ploughing met with the horns of cattle, for the story is that Geryon reared excellent cows.
{1.35.8} And when I criticized the account and pointed out to them that Geryon is at Gadeira, where there is, not his tomb, but a tree showing different shapes, the guides of the Lydians related the true story, that the corpse is that of Hyllos, a son of Earth, from whom the river is named. They also said that Hēraklēs from his sojourning with Omphale called his son Hyllos after the river.
{1.36.1} But I will return to my subject. In Salamis is a sanctuary of Artemis, and also a trophy erected in honor of the victory which Themistokles the son of Neokles won for the Greeks. [281] There is also a sanctuary of Cychreus. When the Athenians were fighting the Persians at sea, a serpent is said to have appeared in the fleet, and the god in an oracle told the Athenians that it was Cychreus the hero.
{1.36.2} Before Salamis there is an island called Psyttalea. Here they say that about four hundred of the Persians landed, and when the fleet of Xerxes was defeated, these also were killed after the Greeks had crossed over to Psyttalea. The island has no artistic statue [agalma], only some roughly carved-wooden-images [xoana] of Pan.
{1.36.3} As you go to Eleusis from Athens along what the Athenians call the Sacred Way you see the tomb of Anthemokritos. [282] The Megarians committed against him a most wicked deed, for when he had come as a herald to forbid them to encroach upon the land in future they put him to death. For this act the wrath of the Two Goddesses lies upon them even to this day, for they are the only Greeks that not even the emperor Hadrian could make more prosperous.
{1.36.4} After the tombstone of Anthemokritos comes the tomb of Molottos, who was deemed worthy of commanding the Athenians when they crossed into Euboea [283] to reinforce Plutarch, [284] and also a place called Skiron, which received its name for the following reason. The Eleusinians were making war against Erekhtheus when there came from Dodona a seer called Skiros, who also set up at Phaleron the ancient sanctuary of Athena Skiras. When he fell in the fighting the Eleusinians buried him near a torrent, and the hero has given his name to both place and torrent.
{1.36.5} Close by is the tomb of Kephisodoros, who was champion of the people and opposed to the utmost Philip, the son of Demetrios, king of Macedon. Kephisodoros induced to become allies of Athens two kings, Attalos the Mysian and Ptolemy the Egyptian, and, of the self-governing peoples, the Aetolians with the Rhodians and the Cretans among the islanders.
{1.36.6} As the reinforcements from Egypt, Mysia, and Crete were for the most part too late, and the Rhodians, whose strength lay only in their fleet, were of little help against the Macedonian men-at-arms, Kephisodoros sailed with other Athenians to Italy and begged aid of the Romans. [285] They sent a force and a general, who so reduced Philip and the Macedonians that afterwards Perseus, the son of Philip, lost his throne and was himself taken prisoner to Italy. This Philip was the son of Demetrios. Demetrios was the first of this house to hold the throne of Macedon, having put to death Alexander, son of Kassandros, as I have related in a former part of my account.
{1.37.1} After the tomb of Kephisodoros is the tomb of Heliodoros Halis. [286] A portrait of this man is also to be seen in the great temple of Athena. Here too is the tomb of Themistokles, son of Poliarkhos, and grandson of the Themistokles who fought the sea fight against Xerxes and the Persians. Of the later descendants I shall mention none except Acestium. She, her father Xenokles, his father Sophocles, and his father Leon, all of them up to her great-grandfather Leon won the honor of being torch-bearer, and in her own lifetime she saw as torch-bearers, first her brother Sophocles, after him her husband Themistokles, and after his death her son Theophrastus. Such was the fortune, they say, that happened to her.
{1.37.2} A little way past the tomb of Themistokles is a precinct sacred to Lacius, a hero, a deme [dēmos] called after him Lakiadai, and the tomb of Nikokles of Tarentum, who won a unique reputation as a harpist. There is also an altar of Zephyrus and a sanctuary of Demeter and her daughter. With them Athena and Poseidon are worshipped. There is a legend that in this place Phytalus welcomed Demeter in his home, for which act the goddess gave him the fig tree. This story is borne out by the inscription on the tomb of Phytalus:
Hero and king, Phytalus here welcome gave to Demeter, August goddess, when first she created fruit of the harvest; Sacred fig is the name which mortal men have assigned it. Whence Phytalos and his lineage have received honors immortal.
{1.37.3} Before you cross the Kephisos you come to the tomb of Theodoros, the best tragic actor of his day. [287] By the river is a statue [agalma] of Mnesimache, and a votive statue [anathēma] of her son cutting his hair as a gift for Kephisos. That this habit has existed from ancient times among all the Greeks may be inferred from the poetry of Homer, [288] who makes Peleus vow that on the safe return of Achilles from Troy he will cut off the young man’s hair as a gift for the Spercheus.
{1.37.4} Across the Kephisos is an ancient altar of Zeus Meilichios (Gracious). At this altar Theseus obtained purification at the hands of the descendants of Phytalus after killing brigands, including Sinis who was related to him through Pittheus. Here is the tomb of Theodektes [289] of Phaselis, and also that of Mnesitheus. They say that he was a skillful physician and dedicated statues [agalmata], among which is a representation of Iakkhos. On the road stands a small temple called that of Cyamites. [290] I cannot state for certain whether he was the first to sow beans, or whether they gave this name to a hero because they may not attribute to Demeter the discovery of beans. Whoever has been initiated at Eleusis or has read what are called the Orphica [291] knows what I mean.
{1.37.5} Of the tombs, the largest and most beautiful are that of a Rhodian who settled in Athens, and the one made by the Macedonian Harpalos, who ran away from Alexander and crossed with a fleet from Asia to Europe. On his arrival in Athens he was arrested by the citizens, but ran away after bribing among others the friends of Alexander. But before this he married Pythonikē, whose family I do not know, but she was a courtesan in Athens and in Corinth. His love for her was so great that when she died he made her a tomb which is the most noteworthy of all the old Greek tombs.
{1.37.6} There is a sanctuary in which are set statues [agalmata] of Demeter, her daughter, Athena, and Apollo. At the first it was built in honor of Apollo only. For legend says that Kephalos, the son of Deion, having helped Amphitryon to destroy the Teleboans, was the first to dwell in that island which now is called after him Kephallenia, and that he resided till that time at Thebes, exiled from Athens because he had killed his wife Procris. In the tenth generation afterwards Khalkinos and Daitos, descendants of Kephalos, sailed to Delphi and asked the god for permission to return to Athens.
{1.37.7} He ordered them first to sacrifice to Apollo in that spot in Attica where they should see a man-of-war running on the land. When they reached the mountain called the Many-colored Mountain a snake was seen hurrying into its hole. In this place they sacrificed to Apollo; afterwards they came to Athens and the Athenians made them citizens. After this is a temple of Aphrodite, before which is a note worthy wall of unfinished stone.
{1.38.1} The streams called Rheitoi are rivers only in so far as they are currents, for their water is sea water. It is a reasonable belief that they flow beneath the ground from the Euripus of the people of Kalkhis, and fall into a sea of a lower level. They are said to be sacred to the Maiden and to Demeter, and only the priests of these goddesses are permitted to catch the fish in them. Anciently, I learn, these streams were the boundaries between the land of the Eleusinians and that of the other Athenians,
{1.38.2} and the first to dwell on the other side of the Rheitoi was Crocon, where at the present day is what is called the palace of Crocon. This Crocon the Athenians say married Saesara, daughter of Keleus. Not all of them say this, but only those who belong to the deme [dēmos] of Skambonidai. I could not find the tomb of Crocon, but Eleusinians and Athenians agreed in identifying the tomb of Eumolpos. This Eumolpos they say came from Thrace, being the son of Poseidon and Khione. Khione they say was the daughter of the wind Boreas and of Oreithyia. Homer says nothing about the lineage of Eumolpos, but in his poems styles him ‘manly’.
{1.38.3} When the Eleusinians fought with the Athenians, Erekhtheus, king of the Athenians, was killed, as was also Immaradus, son of Eumolpos. These were the terms on which they concluded the war: the Eleusinians were to have in dependent control of the mysteries, but in all things else were to be subject to the Athenians. The ministers of the Two Goddesses were Eumolpos and the daughters of Keleus, whom Pamphos and Homer agree in naming Diogenia, Pammerope, and the third Saesara. Eumolpos was survived by Keryx, the younger of his sons whom the Kerykes themselves say was a son of Aglauros, daughter of Kekrops, and of Hermes, not of Eumolpos.
{1.38.4} There is also a shrine of the hero Hippothoön, after whom the phulē is named, and close by one of Zarex. The latter they say learned music from Apollo, but my opinion is that he was a Lacedaemonian who came as a stranger to the land, and that after him is named Zarax, a town in the Laconian territory near the sea. If there is a native Athenian hero called Zarex, I have nothing to say concerning him.
{1.38.5} At Eleusis flows a Kephisos which is more violent than the Kephisos I mentioned above, and by the side of it is the place they call Erineus, saying that Pluto [Ploutōn] descended there to the lower world after carrying off the Maiden. Near this Kephisos Theseus killed a brigand named Polypemon and surnamed Procrustes.
{1.38.6} The Eleusinians have a temple of Triptolemos, of Artemis of the Portal, and of Poseidon Father, and a well called Kallikhoron (beautiful place for dance and song), where first the women of the Eleusinians danced and sang in praise of the goddess. They say that the plain called Rharium was the first to be sown and the first to grow crops, and for this reason it is the custom to use sacrificial barley and to make cakes for the sacrifices from its produce. Here there is shown a threshing-floor called that of Triptolemos and an altar.
{1.38.7} My dream forbade the description of the things within the wall of the sanctuary, and the uninitiated are of course not permitted to learn that which they are prevented from seeing. [292] The hero Eleusis, after whom the city is named, some assert to be a son of Hermes and of Daeira, daughter of Okeanos; there are poets, however, who have made Ogygus father of Eleusis. Ancient legends, deprived of the help of poetry, have given rise to many fictions, especially concerning the pedigrees of heroes.
{1.38.8} When you have turned from Eleusis to Boeotia you come to the Plataean land, which borders on Attica. Formerly Eleutherai formed the boundary on the side towards Attica, but when it came over to the Athenians henceforth the boundary of Boeotia was Kithairon. The reason why the people of Eleutherai came over was not because they were reduced by war, but because they desired to share Athenian citizenship and hated the Thebans. In this plain is a temple of Dionysus, from which the old wooden image was carried off to Athens. The image at Eleutherai at the present day is a copy of the old one.* [293]
{1.38.9} A little farther on is a small cave, and beside it is a spring of cold water. The legend about the cave is that Antiope after her labor placed her babies into it; as to the spring, it is said that the shepherd who found the babies washed them there for the first time, taking off their swaddling clothes. Of Eleutherai there were still left the ruins of the wall and of the houses. From these it is clear that the city was built a little above the plain close to Kithairon.
{1.39.1} There is another road from Eleusis, which leads to Megara. As you go along this road you come to a well called Anthium (Flowery Well). Pamphos in his poems describes how Demeter in the likeness of an old woman sat at this well after the abduction of her daughter, how the daughters of Keleus thence took her as an Argive woman to their mother, and how Metaneira thereupon entrusted to her the rearing of her son.
{1.39.2} A little farther on from the well is a sanctuary of Metaneira, and after it are tombs of those who went against Thebes. For Creon, who at that time ruled in Thebes as guardian of Laodamas the son of Eteokles, refused to allow the relatives to take up and bury their dead. But Adrastos having supplicated Theseus, the Athenians fought with the Boeotians, and Theseus being victorious in the fight carried the dead to the Eleusinian territory and buried them here. The Thebans, however, say that they voluntarily gave up the dead for burial and deny that they engaged in battle.
{1.39.3} After the tombs of the Argives is the tomb of Alope, who, legend says, being mother of Hippothoön by Poseidon was on this spot put to death by her father Kerkyon. He is said to have treated strangers wickedly, especially in wrestling with them against their will. So even to my day this place is called the Wrestling Ground of Kerkyon, being a little way from the tomb of Alope. Kerkyon is said to have killed all those who tried a bout with him except Theseus, who out matched him mainly by his skill. For Theseus was the first to discover the art of wrestling, and through him afterwards was established the teaching of the art. Before him men used in wrestling only size and strength of body. Such in my opinion are the most famous legends and sights among the Athenians, and from the beginning my narrative has picked out of much material the things that deserve to be recorded.
{1.39.4} Next to Eleusis is the district called Megaris. This too belonged to Athens in ancient times, Pylas the king having left it to Pandion. My evidence is this; in the land is the tomb of Pandion, and Nisos, while giving up the rule over the Athenians to Aigeus, the eldest of all the family, was himself made king of Megara and of the territory as far as Corinth. Even at the present day the port of the Megarians is called Nisaia after him. Subsequently in the reign of Kodros the Peloponnesians made an expedition against Athens. Having accomplished nothing brilliant, on their way home they took Megara from the Athenians, and gave it as a dwelling-place to such of the Corinthians and of their other allies as wished to go there.
{1.39.5} In this way the Megarians changed their customs and dialect and became Dorians, and they say that the city received its name when Car the son of Phoroneus was king in this land. It was then they say that sanctuaries of Demeter were first made by them, and then that men used the name Megara (Chambers). This is their history according to the Megarians themselves. But the Boeotians declare that Megareus, son of Poseidon, who dwelled in Onkhestos, came with an army of Boeotians to help Nisos wage the war against Minos; that falling in the battle he was buried on the spot, and the city was named Megara from him, having previously been called Nisa.
{1.39.6} In the twelfth generation after Car the son of Phoroneus the Megarians say that Lelex arrived from Egypt and became king, and that in his reign the tribe Leleges received its name. Lelex they say begat Kleson, Kleson Pylas and Pylas Skiron, who married the daughter of Pandion and afterwards disputed with Nisos, the son of Pandion, about the throne, the dispute being settled by Aiakos, who gave the kingship to Nisos and his descendants, and to Skiron the leadership in war. They say further that Nisos was succeeded by Megareus, the son of Poseidon, who married Iphinoe, the daughter of Nisos, but they ignore altogether the Cretan war and the capture of the city in the reign of Nisos.
{1.40.1} There is in the city a fountain, which was built for the citizens by Theagenes, [294] whom I have mentioned previously as having given his daughter in marriage to Kylon the Athenian. This Theagenes upon becoming tyrant built the fountain, which is noteworthy for its size, beauty and the number of its pillars. Water flows into it called the water of the Sithnid nymphs. The Megarians say that the Sithnid nymphs are native, and that one of them mated with Zeus; that Megaros, a son of Zeus and of this nymph, escaped the flood in the time of Deukalion, and made his escape to the heights of Gerania. The mountain had not yet received this name, but was then named Gerania (Crane Heights) because cranes were flying and Megaros swam towards the cry of the birds.
{1.40.2} Not far from this fountain is an ancient sanctuary, and in our day likenesses [eikónes] stand in it of Roman emperors, and a bronze statue [agalma] is there of Artemis surnamed Savior. There is a story that a detachment of the army of Mardonios, having over run Megaris, [295] wished to return to Mardonios at Thebes, but that by the will of Artemis night came on them as they marched, and missing their way they turned into the hilly region. Trying to find out whether there was a hostile force near they shot some missiles. The rock near groaned when struck, and they shot again with greater eagerness,
{1.40.3} until at last they used up all their arrows thinking that they were shooting at the enemy. When the day broke, the Megarians attacked, and being men in armor fighting against men without armor who no longer had even a supply of missiles, they killed the greater number of their opponents. For this reason they had an image made of Artemis Savior. Here are also statues [agalmata] of the gods named the Twelve, said to be the work of Praxiteles. But the image of Artemis herself was made by Strongylion.
{1.40.4} After this when you have entered the precinct of Zeus called the Olympieion you see a note worthy temple. But the statue [agalma] of Zeus was not finished, for the work was interrupted by the war of the Peloponnesians against the Athenians, in which the Athenians every year ravaged the land of the Megarians with a fleet and an army, damaging public revenues and bringing private families to dire distress. The face of the statue [agalma] of Zeus is of ivory and gold, the other parts are of clay and gypsum. The artist is said to have been Theokosmos, a native, helped by Pheidias. Above the head of Zeus are the Seasons and Fates, and all may see that he is the only god obeyed by Destiny, and that he apportions the seasons as is due. Behind the temple lie half-worked pieces of wood, which Theokosmos intended to overlay with ivory and gold in order a complete the statue [agalma] of Zeus.
{1.40.5} In the temple itself is dedicated a bronze ram of a galley. This ship they say that they captured off Salamis in a naval action with the Athenians. The Athenians too admit that for a time they evacuated the island before the Megarians, saying that afterwards Solon [296] wrote elegiac poems and encouraged them, and that thereupon the Athenians challenged their enemies, won the war and recovered Salamis. But the Megarians say that exiles from themselves, whom they call Dorycleans, reached the colonists in Salamis and betrayed the island to the Athenians.
{1.40.6} After the precinct of Zeus, when you have ascended the citadel, which even at the present day is called Caria from Car, son of Phoroneus, you see a temple of Dionysus Nyktelios (Nocturnal), a sanctuary built to Aphrodite Epistrophia (She who turns humans to love), an oracle called that of Night and a temple of Zeus Konios (Dusty) without a roof. The statue [agalma] of Asklepios and also that of Hygieia were made by Bryaxis. Here too is what is called the Chamber of Demeter, built, they say, by Kar when he was king.
{1.41.1} On coming down from the citadel, where the ground turns northwards, is the tomb of Alkmene, near the Olympieum. They say that as she was walking from Argos to Thebes she died on the way at Megara, and that the Herakleidai fell to disputing, some wishing to carry the corpse of Alkmene back to Argos, others wishing to take it to Thebes, as in Thebes were buried Amphitryon and the children of Hēraklēs by Megara. But the god in Delphi gave them an oracle that it was better for them to bury Alkmene in Megara.
{1.41.2} From this place the local guide took us to a place which he said was named Rhous (Stream), for that water once flowed here from the mountains above the city. But Theagenes, who was tyrant at that time, turned the water into another direction and made here an altar to Akhelōos. Close by is the tomb of Hyllos, son of Hēraklēs, who fought a duel with an Arcadian, Ekhemos the son of Aeropos. Who the Ekhemos was who killed Hyllos I will tell in another part of my narrative, but Hyllos also is buried at Megara. These events might correctly be called an expedition of the Herakleidai into the Peloponnesus in the reign of Orestes.
{1.41.3} Not far from the tomb of Hyllos is a temple of Isis, and beside it one of Apollo and of Artemis. They say that Alkathoos made it after killing the lion from Kithairon, as he is called. By this lion they say many were killed, including Euhippos, the son of Megareus their king, whose elder son Timalkos had before this been killed by Theseus while on a campaign with the Dioskouroi against Aphidna. Megareus they say promised that he who killed the lion of Kithairon should marry his daughter and succeed him in the kingdom. Alkathoos therefore, son of Pelops, attacked the beast and overcame it, and when he came to the throne he built this sanctuary, surnaming Artemis as Agrotera [‘Huntress’] and Apollo Agraios [‘Hunter’].
{1.41.4} Such is the account of the Megarians; but although I wish my account to agree with theirs, yet I cannot accept everything they say. I am ready to believe that a lion was killed by Alkathoos on Kithairon, but what historian has recorded that Timalkos the son of Megareus came with the Dioskouroi to Aphidna? And supposing he had gone there, how could one hold that he had been killed by Theseus, when Alcman wrote a poem on the Dioskouroi, [297] in which he says that they captured Athens and carried into captivity the mother of Theseus, but Theseus himself was absent?
{1.41.5} Pindar in his poems agrees with this account, saying that Theseus, wishing to be related to the Dioskouroi, carried off Helen and kept her until he departed to carry out with Peirithoos the marriage that they tell of. Whoever has studied genealogy finds the Megarians guilty of great silliness, since Theseus was a descendant of Pelops. The fact is that the Megarians know the true story but conceal it, not wishing it to be thought that their city was captured in the reign of Nisos, but that both Megareus, the son-in-law of Nisos, and Alkathoos, the son-in-law of Megareus, succeeded their respective fathers-in-law as king.
{1.41.6} It is evident that Alkathoos arrived from Elis just at the time when Nisos had died and the Megarians had lost everything. Witness to the truth of my statements the fact that he built the wall afresh from the beginning, the old one round the city having been destroyed by the Cretans. Let so much suffice for Alkathoos and for the lion, whether it was on Kithairon or elsewhere that the killing took place that caused him to make a temple to Artemis Agrotera and Apollo Agraios. On going down from this sanctuary you see the shrine of the hero Pandion. My narrative has already told how Pandion was buried on what is called the Rock of Athena Aithuia (Gannet). He receives honors from the Megarians in the city as well.
{1.41.7} Near the shrine of the hero Pandion is the tomb of Hippolyte. I will record the account the Megarians give of her. When the Amazons, having marched against the Athenians because of Antiope, were over come by Theseus, most of them met their death in the fight, but Hippolyte, the sister of Antiope and on this occasion the leader of the women, escaped with a few others to Megara. Having suffered such a military disaster, being in despair at her present situation and even more hopeless of reaching her home in Themiskyra, she died of a broken heart, and the Megarians gave her burial. The shape of her tomb is like an Amazonian shield. {1.41.8} Not far from this is the tomb of Tereus, who married Procne the daughter of Pandion. The Megarians say that Tereus was king of the region around what is called Pagai(Springs) of Megaris, but my opinion, which is confirmed by extant evidence, is that he ruled over Daulis beyond Khairōneia, for in ancient times the greater part of what is now called Greece was inhabited by foreigners. When Tereus did what he did to Philomela and Itys suffered at the hands of the women, Tereus found himself unable to seize them.
{1.41.9} He committed suicide in Megara, and the Megarians forthwith raised him a barrow, and every year sacrifice to him, using in the sacrifice gravel instead of barley meal; they say that the bird called the hoopoe appeared here for the first time. The women came to Athens, and while lamenting their sufferings and their revenge, perished through their tears; their reported metamorphosis into a nightingale and a swallow is due, I think, to the fact that the note of these birds is plaintive and like a lamentation.
{1.42.1} The Megarians have another citadel, which is named after Alkathoos. As you ascend this citadel you see on the right the tomb of Megareus, who at the time of the Cretan invasion came as an ally from Onkhestos. There is also shown a hearth of the gods called Prodomeis (Builders before). They say that Alkathoos was the first to sacrifice to them, at the time when he was about to begin the building of the wall.
{1.42.2} Near this hearth is a stone, on which they say Apollo laid his lyre when he was helping Alkathoos in the building. I am confirmed in my view that the Megarians used to be tributary to the Athenians by the fact that Alkathoos appears to have sent his daughter Periboia with Theseus to Crete in payment of the tribute. On the occasion of his building the wall, the Megarians say, Apollo helped him and placed his lyre on the stone; and if you happen to hit it with a pebble it sounds just as a lyre does when struck.
{1.42.3} This made me marvel, but the colossus in Egypt made me marvel far more than anything else. In Egyptian Thebes, on crossing the Nile to the so called Pipes, I saw a statue [agalma], still sitting, which gave out a sound. The many call it Memnon, who they say from Aethiopia overran Egypt and as far as Susa. The Thebans, however, say that it is a statue [agalma], not of Memnon, but of a native named Phamenoph, and I have heard some say that it is Sesostris. This statue [agalma] was broken in two by Cambyses, and at the present day from head to middle it is thrown down; but the rest is seated, and every day at the rising of the sun it makes a noise, and the sound one could best liken to that of a harp or lyre when a string has been broken.
{1.42.4} The Megarians have a council chamber which once, they say, was the tomb of Timalkos, who just now I said was not killed by Theseus. On the top of the citadel is built a temple of Athena, with a statue [agalma] gilded except the hands and feet; these and the face are of ivory. There is another sanctuary built here, of Athena Nike, and yet a third of Athena Aiantis. About the last the Megarian guides have omitted to record anything, but I will write what I take to be the facts. Telamon the son of Aiakos married Periboia the daughter of Alkathoos; so my opinion is that Ajax, who succeeded to the throne of Alkathoos, made the statue [agalma] of Athena.
{1.42.5} The ancient temple of Apollo was of brick, but the emperor Hadrian afterwards built it of white marble. The Apollo called Pythian and the one called Dekatephoros (Bringer of Tithes) are very like the Egyptian wooden images, but the one surnamed Arkhegetes (Founder) resembles Aeginetan works. They are all alike made of ebony. I have heard a man of Cyprus, who was skilled at sorting herbs for medicinal purposes, say that the ebony does not grow leaves or bear fruit, or even appear in the sunlight at all, but consists of underground roots which are dug up by the Aethiopians, who have men skilled at finding ebony.
{1.42.6} There is also a sanctuary of Demeter Thesmophoros (Lawgiver). On going down from it you see the tomb of Kallipolis, son of Alkathoos. Alkathoos had also an elder son, Ischepolis, whom his father sent to help Meleagros to destroy the wild beast in Aetolia. There he died, and Kallipolis was the first to hear of his death. Running up to the citadel, at the moment when his father was preparing a fire to sacrifice to Apollo, he flung the logs from the altar. Alkathoos, who had not yet heard of the fate of Ischepolis, judged that Kallipolis was guilty of impiety, and forthwith, angry as he was, killed him by striking his head with one of the logs that had been flung from the altar.
{1.42.7} On the road to the Town-hall is the shrine of the heroine Ino, about which is a fencing of stones, and beside it grow olives. The Megarians are the only Greeks who say that the corpse of Ino was cast up on their coast, that Kleso and Tauropolis, the daughters of Kleson, son of Lelex, found and buried it, and they say that among them first was she named Leukothea, and that every year they offer her sacrifice.
{1.43.1} They say that there is also a shrine of the heroine Iphigenia; for she too according to them died in Megara. Now I have heard another account of Iphigenia that is given by Arcadians and I know that Hesiod, in his poem A Catalogue of Women, says that Iphigenia did not die, but by the will of Artemis is Hekate. With this agrees the account of Herodotus, that the Tauroi near Scythia sacrifice castaways to a maiden who they say is Iphigenia, the daughter of Agamemnon. Adrastos also is honored among the Megarians, who say that he too died among them when he was leading back his army after taking Thebes, and that his death was caused by old age and the fate of Aigialeus. A sanctuary of Artemis was made by Agamemnon when he came to persuade Calchas, who dwelled in Megara, to accompany him to Troy.
{1.43.2} In the Town-hall are buried, they say, Euhippos the son of Megareus and Ischepolis the son of Alkathoos. Near the Town-hall is a rock. They name it Anaklethris (Recall), because Demeter (if the story be credible) here too called her daughter back when she was wandering in search of her. Even in our day the Megarian women hold a performance that is a mimic representation of the legend.
{1.43.3} In the city are tombs of Megarians. They made one for those who died in the Persian invasion, and what is called the Aisymnion (Shrine of Aisymnos) was also a tomb of heroes. When Agamemnon’s son Hyperion, the last king of Megara, was killed by Sandion for his greed and violence, they resolved no longer to be ruled by one king, but to have elected magistrates and to obey one another in turn. Then Aisymnos, who had a reputation second to none among the Megarians, came to the god in Delphi and asked in what way they could be prosperous. The oracle in its reply said that they would fare well if they took counsel with the majority. This utterance they took to refer to the dead, and built a council chamber in this place in order that the tomb of their heroes might be within it.
{1.43.4} Between this and the hero-shrine of Alkathoos, which in my day the Megarians used as a record office, was the tomb, they said, of Pyrgo, the wife of Alkathoos before he married Euaikhme, the daughter of Megareus, and the tomb of Iphinoe, the daughter of Alkathoos; she died, they say, a maid. It is customary for the girls to bring libations to the tomb of Iphinoe and to offer a lock of their hair before their wedding, just as the daughters of the Delians once cut their hair for Hekaerge and Opis.
{1.43.5} Beside the entrance to the sanctuary of Dionysus is the tomb of Astykrateia and Manto. They were daughters of Polyidus, son of Koiranos, son of Abas, son of Melampos, who came to Megara to purify Alkathoos when he had killed his son Kallipolis. Polyidus also built the sanctuary of Dionysus, and dedicated a wooden image that in our day is covered up except the face, which alone is exposed. By the side of it is a Satyr of Parian marble made by Praxiteles. This Dionysus they call Patrous (Paternal); but the statue [agalma] of another, that they surname Dasyllios, they say was dedicated by Euchenor, son of Koiranos, son of Polyidus.
{1.43.6} After the sanctuary of Dionysus is a temple of Aphrodite, with an ivory statue [agalma] of Aphrodite surnamed Praxis (Action). This is the oldest object in the temple. There is also Persuasion and another goddess, whom they name Consoler, works of Praxiteles. By Scopas are Love and Desire and Yearning, if indeed their functions are as different as their names. Near the temple of Aphrodite is a sanctuary of Fortune, the image being one of the works of Praxiteles. In the temple close by are Muses and a bronze Zeus by Lysippos.
{1.43.7} The Megarians have also the tomb of Koroibos. The poetical story of him, although it equally concerns Argos, I will relate here. They say that in the reign of Krotopos at Argos, Psamathe, the daughter of Krotopos, bore a son to Apollo, and being in dire terror of her father, exposed the child. He was found and destroyed by sheepdogs of Krotopos, and Apollo sent Vengeance to the city to punish the Argives. They say that she used to snatch the children from their mothers, until Koroibos to please the Argives slew Vengeance. Whereat as a second punishment plague fell upon them and stayed not. So Koroibos of his own accord went to Delphi to submit to the punishment of the god for having slain Vengeance.
{1.43.8} The Pythia would not allow Koroibos to return to Argos, but ordered him to take up a tripod and carry it out of the sanctuary, and where the tripod should fall from his hands, there he was to build a temple of Apollo and to dwell himself. At Mount Gerania the tripod slipped and fell unawares. Here he dwelled in the village called the Little Tripods. The tomb of Koroibos is in the marketplace of the Megarians. The story of Psamathe and of Koroibos himself is carved on it in elegiac verses and further, upon the top of the tomb is represented Koroibos slaying Vengeance. These are the oldest stone statues [agalmata] I am aware of having seen among the Greeks.
{1.44.1} Near Koroibos is buried Orsippos who won the foot-race at Olympia by running naked when all his competitors wore waistbands according to ancient custom. [298] They say also that Orsippos when general afterwards annexed some of the neighboring territory. My own opinion is that at Olympia he intentionally let the waistband slip off him, realizing that a naked man can run more easily than one girt.
{1.44.2} As you go down from the marketplace you see on the right of the street called Straight a sanctuary of Apollo Prostaterios (Protecting). You must turn a little aside from the road to discover it. In it is a noteworthy Apollo, Artemis also, and Leto, and other statues [agalmata], made by Praxiteles. In the old gymnasium near the gate called the Gate of the Nymphs is a stone of the shape of a small pyramid. This they name Apollo Karinos, and here there is a sanctuary of the Eileithuiai. Such are the sights that the city had to show.
{1.44.3} When you have gone down to the port, which to the present day is called Nisaia, you see a sanctuary of Demeter Malophoros (Sheep-bearer or Apple-bearer). One of the accounts given of the surname is that those who first reared sheep in the land named Demeter Malophoros. The roof of the temple one might conclude has fallen in through age. There is a citadel here, which also is called Nisaia. Below the citadel near the sea is the tomb of Lelex, who they say arrived from Egypt and became king, being the son of Poseidon and of Libya, daughter of Epaphus. Parallel to Nisaia lies the small island of Minoa, where in the war against Nisos anchored the fleet of the Cretans.
{1.44.4} The hilly part of Megaris borders upon Boeotia, and in it the Megarians have built the city Pagai and another one called Aigosthena. As you go to Pagai, on turning a little aside from the highway, you are shown a rock with arrows stuck all over it, into which the Persians once shot in the night. In Pagai a noteworthy relic is a bronze statue [agalma] of Artemis surnamed Savior, in size equal to that at Megara and exactly like it in shape. There is also a hero-shrine of Aigialeus, son of Adrastos. When the Argives made their second attack on Thebes he died at Glisas early in the first battle, and his relatives carried him to Pagaiin Megaris and buried him, the shrine being still called the Aigialeion.
{1.44.5} In Aigosthena is a sanctuary of Melampos, son of Amythaon, and a small figure of a man carved upon a slab. To Melampos they sacrifice and hold a festival every year. They say that he divines neither by dreams nor in any other way. Here is something else that I heard in Erenea, a village of the Megarians. Autonoe, daughter of Kadmos, left Thebes to live here owing to her great grief at the death of Aktaion, the manner of which is told in legend, and at the general misfortune of her father’s house. The tomb of Autonoe is in this village.
{1.44.6} On the road from Megara to Corinth are tombs, including that of the Samian aulos-player Telephanes, [299] said to have been made by Kleopatra, daughter of Philip, son of Amyntas. There is also the tomb of Car, son of Phoroneus, which was originally a mound of earth, but afterwards, at the command of the oracle, it was adorned with mussel stone. The Megarians are the only Greeks to possess this stone, and in the city also they have made many things out of it. It is very white, and softer than other stone; in it throughout are sea mussels. Such is the nature of the stone. The road called Skironian to this day and named after Skiron, was made by him when he was war minister of the Megarians, and originally they say was constructed for the use of active men. But the emperor Hadrian broadened it, and made it suitable even for chariots to pass each other in opposite directions.
{1.44.7} There are legends about the rocks, which rise especially at the narrow part of the road. As to the Molurian, it is said that from it Ino flung her self into the sea with Melikertes, the younger of her children. Learkhos, the elder of them, had been killed by his father. One account is that Athamas did this in a fit of madness; another is that he vented on Ino and her children unbridled rage when he learned about the famine that befell the Orkhomenians and the supposed death of Phrixos, the cause of which was not divine power [tò theion] but the fact that Ino, the step-mother, had intrigued for all these things.
{1.44.8} Then it was that she fled to the sea and cast herself and her son from the Molurian Rock. The son, they say, was landed on the Corinthian Isthmus by a dolphin, and honors were offered to Melikertes, then renamed Palaimon, including the celebration of the Isthmian games. The Molurian dock they thought sacred to Leukothea and Palaimon; but those after it they consider accursed, in that Skiron, who dwelled by them, used to cast into the sea all the strangers he met. A tortoise used to swim under the rocks to seize those that fell in. Sea tortoises are like land tortoises except in size and for their feet, which are like those of seals. Retribution for these deeds overtook Skiron, for he was cast into the same sea by Theseus.
{1.44.9} On the top of the mountain is a shrine [nāos] of Zeus surnamed Aphesios ([derived from the verb aphienai ‘release’] Releaser). It is said that, on the occasion of the drought that once afflicted the Greeks [Hellēnes], Aiakos in obedience to oracular instructions sacrificed in Aegina to Zeus Pan-Hellēnios, and that Zeus created-a-release-from [aphienai], saving [komizen] them [from the drought] and thus gaining the name Aphesios [derived from the verb aphienai ‘release’]. [300] Here there are also statues [agalmata]of Aphrodite, Apollo, and Pan.
{1.44.10} Farther on is the tomb of Eurystheus. The story is that he fled from Attica after the battle with the Herakleidai and was killed here by Iolaos. When you have gone down from this road you see a sanctuary of Apollo Latous, after which is the boundary between Megara and Corinth, where legend says that Hyllos, son of Hēraklēs, fought a duel with the Arcadian Ekhemos.


[ back ] 1. Here and everywhere in this reader, ‘Greek’ translates the adjective Hellēnikos ‘Hellenic’ and the noun Hellēn ‘Hellene’. And ‘Greece’ translates Hellas ‘Hellas, Hellenic land’. On the use of these words by Pausanias, see Habicht 1998:25-27.
[ back ] 2. Attica is the traditional name for the entire land mass dominated by the city of Athens.
[ back ] 3. Pausanias is engaging here in a kind of poetics of space. As he notes later (Pausanias 1.28.2), it is when you round the promontory of Sounion that you see the tip of the spear of Athena Promakhos, visible all the way from the Acropolis of Athens. We see here a metonymy that is relevant to the relationship between the name of the goddess, Athēnē, and the name of the city over which the goddess presides, Athēnai. In Homer the Classic 4§117, I show that the Greek language has preserved a most ancient and fundamental connection that exists between the name of Athena and the name of Athens. The singular name of the goddess Athena, Athēnē, is coextensive with the plural name of her city of Athens, Athēnai. This plural name means, elliptically, ‘Athena and everything / everyone connected to her’. In other words, the name of the city of Athens is itself a most ancient metonym that expresses the divine power of integrating and unifying the diversity of all things and all people connected with the city of Athens. From the vantage point of Pausanias (again, 1.28.2), the metonymy can start at the moment when you see the tip of Athena’s spear as you sail around the promontory of Sounion. From the tip of the spear your mental image can work its way down, down, further down, and, the next thing you know, you grasp the totalizing concept of Athens. [ back ] GN 2014.04.03.
[ back ] 4. Our first impression may be that we are reading the name of the Homeric hero Patroklos. As we read on, however, we are quickly defamiliarized: this Patroklos is a historical figure, stemming from the Hellenistic era—which is the period of time starting with the conquests of Alexander the Great in the fourth century BCE and lasting up to the time when the Roman Empire takes possession of Hellas or ‘Greece’ in the second century BCE.. I think that Pausanias, by way of his defamiliarizing gesture in introducing the name of Patroklos, is creating a “signature,” as it were, for the genre in which he is expressing himself. I agree with Cohen 2001:95 when she says that the work of Pausanias is one of the few surviving examples of this genre, which has “a Hellenistic background.” GN 2014.04.03.
[ back ] 5. circa 267-263 BCE.
[ back ] 6. A note on the spelling of Greek names in this reader. The name of Themistokles could have been spelled as Themistocles, just as I spell the name of Pericles—instead of writing Perikles. In general however, I avoid spelling Greek names in latinized format, where for example Latin c stands for Greek k, ch for kh, ae for ai, oe for oi, u for ou, -us for -os, and so on—unless the name has become a “household word” in English. I consider the name of Pericles to be such a “household word,” whereas the name of Themistokles is not. Similarly, I will spell in latinized (and anglicized) format such other “household words” as represented by the following names: Academy (not Akademeia), Achilles (not Akhilleus), Acropolis (not Akropolis), Aeneas (not Aineias), Ajax (not Aias), Alcibiades (not Alkibiades), Alexander (not Alexandros), Anacreon (not Anakreon), Andromache (not Andromakhe), Apollo (not Apollon), Arcadia (not Arkadia), Attica (not Attike), Cambyses (not Kambuses), Cassandra (not Kassandra), Chersonesus (not Kherronesos), Chios (not Khios), Chrysippus (not Khrusippos), Cleisthenes (not Kleisthenes), Corcyra (not Kerkura), Corinth (not Korinthos), Cyclades (not Kuklades), Cyrene (not Kurene), Cythera (not Kuthera), Delphi (not Delphoi), Dionysus (not Dionusos), Euboea (not Euboia), Herodotus (not Herodotos), Hesiod (not Hesiodos), Hippolytus (not Hippolutos), Homer (not Homeros), Isocrates (not Isokrates), Lacedaemonia (not Lakedaimonia), Lyceum (not Lukeion: see my comments on Pausanias 1.19.3), Lycurgus (name of the Athenian statesman, as also of the early Spartan ‘lawgiver’; not Lukourgos), Maeander (not Maiandros), Menander (not Menandros), Musaeus (not Mousaios), Oedipus (not Oidipous), Palladium (not Palladion), Peloponnesus (not Peloponnesos), Phaedra (not Phaidra), Philip (not Philippos), Pindar (not Pindaros), Philoctetes (not Philoktetes), Plato (not Platon), Pluto (not Plouton), Polygnotus (not Polugnotos), Polyxena (not Poluxene), Ptolemy (not Ptolemaios), Socrates (not Sokrates), Sophocles (not Sophokles), Syracuse (not Surakoussai), Tarentum (not Taras), Thermopylae (not Thermopulai), Thucydides (not Thoukudides). [ back ] All these examples come from the first 30 sections of Scroll 1. [ back ] Some “household names” of the past are less likely to qualify as such today , and I include in this smaller list such names as Antipatros (not Antipater), Kassandros (not Cassander), Aratos (not Aratus), Proknē (not Procne), Eurydikē (not Eurydice), Oitē (not Oeta), Rōxanē (not Roxana), Khairōneia (not Chaeronea), Aigeus (not Aegeus), Daidalos (not Daedalus), Ikaros (not Icarus), Hipparkhos (not Hipparchus). [ back ] I have included in this shorter list even the names of the father of Theseus, Aigeus (not Aegeus), after whom the Aegean Sea is named, and of the Ptolemaic queen Eurydikē, despite the association of the mythical figure Eurydice with Orpheus (as in Pausanias 9.30.6). In many cases, it is relatively easy to recognize the latinized versions underneath the more hellenized spellings. A shining example is the father-and-son pair Daidalos and Ikaros, for Daedalus and Icarus. Another such example is Kleopatra, for Cleopatra. In many cases, my reasons for preferring the hellenized spelling over the latinized version have to do with word-associations that become evident in contexts highlighted by Pausanias. In the case of Daidalos, for example, the meaning of his name is relevant to the name of a festival, the Daidala, as described by Pausanias 9.3.2-6. GN 2014.04.12.
[ back ] 7. As we see later in our readings, Pausanias 4.5.10, this word archon [arkhōn], meaning literally ‘leader’, was the Athenian title of an official who was appointed yearly by lot. The traditional Athenian way of dating any given year when any event happened was by remembering the name of the archon [arkhōn] who was in charge during that year.
[ back ] 8. 493 BCE.
[ back ] 9. Homeric marker.
[ back ] 10. Theseus / Minos, thalassocracy theme.
[ back ] 11. Ditto.
[ back ] 12. nomen loquens: man-of-earth.
[ back ] 13. Thalassocracy theme.
[ back ] 14. In the history of Athens, the era of the Athenian Empire was most noted for the city’s maritime power, the Greek word for which was thalassokratia or ‘thalassocracy’. In the glory days of this thalassocracy, a most celebrated visual marker of the magnificence as well as the power of the Athenian Empire was the architectural complex of colossal buildings known as neōs oikoi ‘ship-sheds’ at the dockyards of Peiraieus. I have invited Mills McArthur to write a note here about these buildings. [ back ] GN 2014.04.13 [ back ] The neōs-oikoi ‘ship-sheds’ – literally ‘ship houses’ – of Peiraieus sheltered the warships so critical to the military success of the city of Athens. Ships would be drawn up out of the water on ramps into their ‘houses’. But these utilitarian dockyard structures ultimately transcended their function, gaining great symbolic importance for the Athenians – so much so that Demosthenes (fourth century BCE), enumerating some of the prominent symbols of Athens’ glory, grouped the ship-sheds of the dockyards of Peiraieus together with the Parthenon itself (Speech 22 section 76)! The atmosphere of the docks on the verge of an expedition is vividly captured in Greek literature, ranging from the hustle and bustle (Aristophanes Acharnians 544-554) to a mixture of hope and foreboding on occasions when the ships were launched in the glory days of the Athenian Empire (Thucydides 6.30-32). Even after the empire went into decline, the glory of the dockyards of the Peiraieus was still very much in evidence, as we see from the testimony of Demosthenes. See also Pausanias 1.29.16, where he speaks about the rebuilding of the neōs oikoi ‘ship-sheds’ of the Peiraieus in the era of the statesman Lycurgus of Athens, who dominated the cultural and political life of Athens in the late fourth century BCE. The Roman general Sulla sacked the Peiraieus in 86 BCE, and so Pausanias in the second century CE would have seen just a trace of the structures that formerly highlighted the naval power of Athens. [ back ] MM 2014.04.15
[ back ] 15. At the end of this paragraph, Pausanias 1.1.2, I have a note on the taphos ‘tomb’ of Themistokles. [ back ] GN 2014.04.13.
[ back ] 16. The city of Magnesia, contiguous with the river Maeander, is located in the region of Lydia in Asia Minor, specifically in the region of Mount Sipylos. In the time of Themistokles, Magnesia was part of the Persian Empire. After Themistokles was banished from his native city of Athens, he eventually defected to the king of the Persians, Artaxerxes I, who appointed him as ruler of Magnesia. See Pausanias 1.26.4; also the comments of Habicht 1998:5. This city of Magnesia-on-the-Maeander, located in the region of Mount Sipylos, was actually the homeland of Pausanias. See Habicht 1998:13-15. That fact is relevant, I think, to the foregrounding of Themistokles by Pausanias in this context. On the symbolism implicit in the name of Magnesia, see HC 3§§77-94. For “HC” and other such abbreviations, see Bibliographical Abbreviations at the end of this work.
[ back ] 17. The political as well as the cultural significance of the Parthenon here is made evident by the context. We see here in Pausanias 1.1.2 his first mention of the Parthenon. The author has not wasted much time in making mention of this all-important visual monument.
[ back ] 18. This passage in Pausanias 1.1.2 is of special interest to me. I find it intriguing that Pausanias, visiting Athens in the second century CE, is foregrounding here a detail about Themistokles that could easily be ignored by professional Classicists who study only the testimony of the Classical period of the fifth and the fourth centuries BCE. It is as if he were saying to such professionals: here is something that I bet you did not know—or had ignored... Themistokles was rehabilitated by the Athenians, despite his having defected to the Persian Empire after his political successes in Athens had gone sour. And the visible sign of his rehabilitation is his tomb. The tomb of Themistokles, as a visible reminder, reconnects the memories about Themistokles with the present. Here the medium of Pausanias, which is a visual journey that reconnects with the history of the past, shows its power to reshape or even restore history as he sees it. I see a comparable gesture of rehabilitation in my note on a later passage, Pausanias 1.23.9. [ back ] GN 2014.04.13.
[ back ] 19. 323 BCE.
[ back ] 20. floruit circa 350 BCE.
[ back ] 21. 394 BCE.
[ back ] 22. So, already at this early stage, Pausanias makes mention of hero cult.
[ back ] 23. So, a culture hero of the Argonautica.
[ back ] 24. Mystical name for a hero in hero cult. Here, the name is for Androgeos, which is mystical as well.
[ back ] 25. Pausanias the empiricist.
[ back ] 26. Athenian / Ionic cognate institutions.
[ back ] 27. floruit 440-400 BCE.
[ back ] 28. So the first impression is of an Amazon.
[ back ] 29. The meaning of this name: ‘one who rivals in looks’, as it were.
[ back ] 30. So Antiope the Amazon falls in love with her conqueror.
[ back ] 31. 404-403 BCE. Note the author’s awareness of the traditional dichotomy between tyranny and democracy.
[ back ] 32. A place-holder... Cenotaph of Euripides.
[ back ] 33. Antigonus surnamed Gonatas became king of Macedonia in 283 BCE.
[ back ] 34. Pausanias offers here some valuable insights about the relationship between poet and patron.
[ back ] 35. I analyze this formulation of Pausanias in my book Homer the Preclassic.
[ back ] 36. Relevant to the previous note.
[ back ] 37. Note the Poseidon is pictured here as throwing a spear.
[ back ] 38. Reference to the likes of Alcibiades.
[ back ] 39. Relevant to hero cult.
[ back ] 40. Surely Amphiktyon is the culture hero of an Amphiktyony. Is this theme relevant to the City Dionysia?
[ back ] 41. Here we see an aetiology of the City Dionysia.
[ back ] 42. Here again we see an aetiology of the City Dionysia.
[ back ] 43. In terms of the myth as reported here by Pausanias, this Erikhthonios is the equivalent of the Iliadic Erekhtheus.
[ back ] 44. So Dionysus and Ariadne are part of the Theseus myth complex.
[ back ] 45. This reportage on Hesiod leads me to think that Pausanias considers Hesiod to be a source that is parallel to other non-classical sources such as Musaeus. When I say “non-classical” here, I have in mind the tera of the Peisistratidai.
[ back ] 46. Euagoras was a king of Salamis in Cyprus, who reigned from about 410 to 374 BCE. He favored the Athenians, and helped Konon to defeat the Spartan fleet off Knidos in 394 BCE.
[ back ] 47. One of the many references to Hadrian.
[ back ] 48. The ideology of the twelve gods can be traced back to the era of the Peisistratidai.
[ back ] 49. I analyze in Homer the Classic the meaning of graphē as ‘painting’.
[ back ] 50. In terms of this ideology Peisistratos and his sons represent interruption of the trajectory of democracy.
[ back ] 51. 560-527 BCE.
[ back ] 52. The “false beliefs” induced by participation in choruses etc.: maybe an anachronistic stance.
[ back ] 53. So Menestheus somehow interrupts the dynastic succession.
[ back ] 54. 362 BCE.
[ back ] 55. 430 BCE.
[ back ] 56. Pheidias 490-432 BCE.
[ back ] 57. The dates of these artists are unknown.
[ back ] 58. A contemporary of Alexander the Great.
[ back ] 59. An unknown painter.
[ back ] 60. 279 BCE.
[ back ] 61. This kind of gesture would work best, I think, for a Philhellenic Roman intellectual reader. The Greek author is telling such a reader: we’ve got our Gauls too.
[ back ] 62. Antipatros and Kassandros were successors of Alexander the Great.
[ back ] 63. 480 BCE.
[ back ] 64. Heroes of the past intervening in the present.
[ back ] 65. This statement is contradicted by the what we read in the poetry of Pindar, fifth century BCE.
[ back ] 66. A legend invented to explain the name Ankyra, which means anchor.
[ back ] 67. All this seems to me a very special singling out of Pergamon.
[ back ] 68. Note my translation of phulai. Here and elsewhere, I avoid translating phulē as ‘tribe’, which is a misleading rendition.
[ back ] 69. The reform took place in 508 BCE.
[ back ] 70. That is, those after whom others are named.
[ back ] 71. Notice that the epōnumoi are not necessarily ancestors, as we see from the names of the new epōnumoi for the new phulai, such as the Roman emperor Hadrian.
[ back ] 72. Mitosis of Kekrops figures.
[ back ] 73. What seems to be implied here is that the so-called Ionian Migration starts from Euboea. So this figure here is Kekrops son of Erekhtheus, son of Pandion, son of Erikhthonios.
[ back ] 74. I see here a mythological “mitosis” of Pandion figures.
[ back ] 75. On the goddess Athena visualized as an aithuia, which is a kind of diving bird: Aithuia: there are allusions in Odyssey 5 to this manifestation of the goddess
[ back ] 76. On the form Philomēlā: grammarians in the ancient world (like Herodian) called attention to the exceptional ending instead of the expected .
[ back ] 77. Tereus and Procne.
[ back ] 78. Now, Pausanias turns to an expansion of the number of eponymoi.
[ back ] 79. This king of Pergamon visited Athens in 200 BCE. in the company of the Roman ambassadors, and was treated with every mark of respect by the Athenians.
[ back ] 80. It is uncertain to which of the many kings of Egypt called by this name Pausanias refers.
[ back ] 81. Here and elsewhere, the ostentatious phrasing here suggests a special link with Hadrian.
[ back ] 82. 117-138 CE.
[ back ] 83. Indicative of patronage of Hadrian?
[ back ] 84. 132 CE.
[ back ] 85. One of the aims of Pausanias, it seems, is to rescue the history of the Attalidai and the Ptolemaioi.
[ back ] 86. The account which follows deals with the troubled period which came after the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BCE. The generals Antigonus, Ptolemy, Seleukos, Lysimakhos and Kassandros quarreled over the division of the empire.
[ back ] 87. 323 BCE.
[ back ] 88. In my article on the Library of Pergamon, I analyze Strabo’s version of the narratives about the abduction of the corpse of Alexander by the Ptolemaic regime.
[ back ] 89. Once again, defamiliarization by way of a Homeric name.
[ back ] 90. So, up to now, the corpse of Alexander has been in Memphis.
[ back ] 91. An Athenian statesman.
[ back ] 92. What a distinguished pedigree this Lycurgus has!
[ back ] 93. circa 448 BCE.
[ back ] 94. 323 BCE.
[ back ] 95. So, Pausanias is not very reverential about the classical past.
[ back ] 96. Nothing more is known of this person.
[ back ] 97. Or (...)
[ back ] 98. 514 BCE.
[ back ] 99. floruit circa 445 BCE.
[ back ] 100. 302 BCE.
[ back ] 101. The reportage about the destruction of Kolophon is not clear to me here.
[ back ] 102. floruit 20-300 BCE.
[ back ] 103. 294 BCE.
[ back ] 104. 288 BCE.
[ back ] 105. 281 BCE.
[ back ] 106. Note the number of generatins separating the present from the past of the heroes.
[ back ] 107. The children of Helenos and Andromache.
[ back ] 108. So Pergamos, as the new founder of Pergamon, is the son of Helenos and Andromache.
[ back ] 109. If I understand correctly, Andromache followed his son Pergamos to Pergamon and has a shrine there.
[ back ] 110. 313 BCE.
[ back ] 111. I find this remark of Pausanias most interesting.
[ back ] 112. 413 BCE.
[ back ] 113. 280 BCE.
[ back ] 114. What a curious take on Homer.
[ back ] 115. Iliad 3.3 and following.
[ back ] 116. Odyssey 11.122
[ back ] 117. 479 BCE.
[ back ] 118. 371 BCE.
[ back ] 119. 480 BCE.
[ back ] 120. 425 BCE.
[ back ] 121. 330 BCE.
[ back ] 122. 295 BCE.
[ back ] 123. 272 BCE.
[ back ] 124. 272 BCE.
[ back ] 125. So the fountain of Peisistratos.
[ back ] 126. Difficulties with the epichoric claims of the Argives.
[ back ] 127. Evidently, Pausanias is proud of his expertise concerning the poetry attributed to Orpheus and Musaeus.
[ back ] 128. This is a particularly interesting example of the religious reticence sometimes shown by Pausanias. For me it is most noteworthy that the Eleusinion is the focus of attention here.
[ back ] 129. floruit circa 600 BCE.
[ back ] 130. Epimenides from Knossos vs. Thaletas from Gortyn.
[ back ] 131. See previous note.
[ back ] 132. This Erikhthonios is the equivalent of Erekhtheus in the Iliad.
[ back ] 133. The demes have epichoric versions.
[ back ] 134. So here is the Stoa Poikile.
[ back ] 135. Date unknown.
[ back ] 136. We see here an important example of a convention: a place-name can be simply a hero’s name. Another example is the place-name Kolōnos, named after a hero called Kolōnos, as we see in Sophocles Oedipus at Colonus 59: see H24H 18§§2–4.
[ back ] 137. See 1.32.5.
[ back ] 138. 421 BCE.
[ back ] 139. 425 BCE.
[ back ] 140. 594 BCE.
[ back ] 141. 281 BCE.
[ back ] 142. 280 BCE.
[ back ] 143. Altar to Pity.
[ back ] 144. The Stoic philosopher, 280-207 BCE.
[ back ] 145. The ring of Minos: I analyze this theme at length in Homer the Preclassic.
[ back ] 146. How Menestheus came to power: Theseus sits it out, as it were.
[ back ] 147. The children of Theseus in Euboea.
[ back ] 148. The tomb of Theseus.
[ back ] 149. floruit 465 BCE.
[ back ] 150. That the Athenians were to trust their “wooden walls,” i.e. their ships.
[ back ] 151. 480 BCE.
[ back ] 152. Pausanias 1.35.6.
[ back ] 153. I will have more to say here about Eileithuia at Amnisos.
[ back ] 154. 338 BCE.
[ back ] 155. The place-name Kynosarges [Kunosarges = Κυνόσαργες] is interpreted here as a compound formation combining the elements kunos meaning ‘of the dog’ and arges supposedly meaning ‘the bright white place’.
[ back ] 156. This paragraph, Pausanias 1.19.3, shows a most valuable illustration of the problems we encounter in transliterating the original Greek text. The spelling of latinizing y and c and -eum in Lyceum (borrowed into French as lycée), which is the conventional English-language transliteration of the original Greek Lukeion [Λύκειον], blurs the perceived relationship, in the original Greek, of this place-name Lukeion with the name Lukos [Λύκος], based on the noun lukos [λύκος], meaning ‘wolf’, as also with the adjective lukios [λύκιος], applied both to the god Apollo as ‘Lycian’ (Lukios [Λύκιος]) and to the people of Asia Minor who are known as the ‘Lycians’ (Lukioi [Λύκιοι]. [ back ] GN 2014.04.12.
[ back ] 157. More on Minos.
[ back ] 158. This structure was known as the Odeum (ōdeion) of Pericles.
[ back ] 159. 86 BCE. So the Odeum of Pericles was rebuilt.
[ back ] 160. This is a most overt marking of the patronage of Hadrian.
[ back ] 161. So Pausanias sees the Niobe rock.
[ back ] 162. Tomb of Hippolytus in Athens.
[ back ] 163. Tomb of Hippolytus in Troizen.
[ back ] 164. My work on the ritual uses of myrtle is relevant to this lore of the Troizenians. GN 2014.03.08.
[ back ] 165. We have here a most important statement about what is known today as synoikismos.
[ back ] 166. We see here a precious reference to the modus operandi of Pausanias.
[ back ] 167. A basic formulation.
[ back ] 168. Diomedes takes the Palladium from Troy.
[ back ] 169. Homer elides the sacrifice of Polyxena.
[ back ] 170. Taboo about Medusa.
[ back ] 171. An unknown painter.
[ back ] 172. Musaeus receives gift of flight from the North Wind; Musaeus reworked by Onomacritus.
[ back ] 173. Pausanias here is giving valuable information about the Socrates of Plato, who was in fact a sculptor “in real life”—above and beyond all the other things we know about him from sources like Plato and Xenophon.
[ back ] 174. Once again Pausanias comments on the bad press for the Peisistratidai.
[ back ] 175. 413 BCE.
[ back ] 176. Old wooden statue of Artemis in Brauron.
[ back ] 177. Old wooden horse via bronze medium.
[ back ] 178. In this version, the sons of Theseus go to Troy along with Menestheus.
[ back ] 179. The great historian of the Peloponnesian war.
[ back ] 180. This passage in Pausanias 1.23.9 is of special interest to me. What I have to say about it matches closely what I said about an earlier passage, in Pausanias. 1.1.2. As I said about that passage, I find it intriguing that Pausanias, visiting Athens in the second century CE, is foregrounding there a detail about Themistokles that could easily be ignored by professional Classicists who study only the testimony of the Classical period of the fifth and the fourth centures BCE. It is as if he were saying to such professionals: here is something that I bet you did not know or had ignored... What I said about that passage in Pausanias 1.1.2 applies also to the passage here here in Pausanias 1.23.9 about Thucydides. I find it intriguing, the way Pausanias here records a moment in history, as he sees it, where Thucydides, as the alienated historian of Athens, is not only rehabilitated by his native city: he is even restored from exile. The reintegration of the formerly exiled native son is marked by a tomb, the word for which here is mnēma, which is a ‘memorial’ that connects the past to the present, reshaping that present on the occasion of actually seeing the tomb. That is the occasion recorded by Pausanias here, who tells the reader that he has actually seen this memorial. And the detail about the killing of Thucydides on his way back to Athens from exile seems to me most appropriate to this story of rehabilitation. Such a detail can be interpreted as a mental marker of the prevailing spirit of alienation that pervades the history of Thucydides. [ back ] GN 2014.04.13.
[ back ] 181. A famous Athenian admiral who was active during the first period of the Peloponnesian war.
[ back ] 182. Yet again the Minotaur.
[ back ] 183. We see here a most important set of symbols.
[ back ] 184. Pausanias 1.1.3.
[ back ] 185. Of course, Pausanias enters the Parthenon from the East.
[ back ] 186. An early Greek traveler and writer.
[ back ] 187. But the griffins are the ultimate signs of royalty.
[ back ] 188. As I argue in my book Homer the Preclassic, this distinction between standing and seated statues of Athena is significant.
[ back ] 189. A famous Athenian, floruit 390 BCE.
[ back ] 190. 479 BCE.
[ back ] 191. I will comment here on the importance of Anacreon’s relocation to Athens.
[ back ] 192. floruit 400 BCE.
[ back ] 193. Pausanias 1.4.5.
[ back ] 194. 338 BCE.
[ back ] 195. So Philip puts an end to the Athenian empire.
[ back ] 196. 322 BCE.
[ back ] 197. This description of Demetrios of Phaleron as a tyrant is most noteworthy.
[ back ] 198. Musaeus and his sacred space, the Museum [Mouseion].
[ back ] 199. 288 BCE.
[ back ] 200. So, a seated Athena. In HC II§210, I comment on the importance of distinguishing between statues representing a seated vs. a standing Athena.
[ back ] 201. The salt-water spring of Poseidon.
[ back ] 202. This statement about the agalma ‘statue’ of Athena is most noteworthy.
[ back ] 203. floruit 400 BCE?
[ back ] 204. Probably asbestos.
[ back ] 205. This reference to the Temple of Athena Polias is most noteworthy.
[ back ] 206. 479 BCE.
[ back ] 207. The question is, was the olive going to be used by the pro-Persian faction if they had won? I think so.
[ back ] 208. This attitude of Pausanias is typical of his overall project.
[ back ] 209. The wording of Pausanias about the two maidens here is most important.
[ back ] 210. This ostentatious naming of Erekhtheus here is most important.
[ back ] 211. 447 BCE.
[ back ] 212. Precious testimony here about the ‘old figures of Athena’.
[ back ] 213. The events that add up to the Twelve Labors can of course vary.
[ back ] 214. The double use of pheugein ‘flee’ here gives the impression that the bull was fleeing not only its pursuers but also running away from becoming one of the Twelve Labors of Herakles.
[ back ] 215. 632 BCE.
[ back ] 216. A dekatē ‘tithe’ is an offering that amounts to one-tenth the value of income from (in this case) material captured in war.
[ back ] 217. floruit 430 BCE.
[ back ] 218. circa 507 BCE.
[ back ] 219. Very important, the way Pauasanias refers to this wall.
[ back ] 220. The ‘Pelasgian’ wall is the Cyclopean wall.
[ back ] 221. The verb sun-gignesthai, meaning literally ‘be with’, is conventionally used as a euphemism for ‘have sex with’.
[ back ] 222. verse 185. Very important, the way Hesiod is cited here.
[ back ] 223. Very important details about Oedipus here.
[ back ] 224. Very important, the way Pausanias distances himself from the Sophocles version.
[ back ] 225. Very important detail from Pausanias.
[ back ] 226. Very important detail about Erekhtheus.
[ back ] 227. See Herodotus 3.64.
[ back ] 228. A most precious reference to the Panathenaic ‘ship’.
[ back ] 229. 403 BCE.
[ back ] 230. Died 357 BCE.
[ back ] 231. A famous Athenian admiral who fought well in the early part of the Peloponnesian War.
[ back ] 232. circa 465 BCE.
[ back ] 233. A group of five contests: leaping, foot-racing, throwing the quoit, throwing the spear, wrestling.
[ back ] 234. 431 BCE.
[ back ] 235. 508/7 BCE.
[ back ] 236. 457 BCE.
[ back ] 237. 349 BCE.
[ back ] 238. 430 BCE.
[ back ] 239. 461 BCE.
[ back ] 240. 457 BCE.
[ back ] 241. 340 BCE.
[ back ] 242. A contemporary of Demosthenes.
[ back ] 243. 394 BCE.
[ back ] 244. 371 BCE.
[ back ] 245. 445 BCE.
[ back ] 246. 413 BCE.
[ back ] 247. 445 BCE.
[ back ] 248. 420 BCE.
[ back ] 249. 409 BCE.
[ back ] 250. 338 BCE, those who marched with Cleon to Amphipolis, 422 BCE.
[ back ] 251. 424 BCE.
[ back ] 252. 449 BCE.
[ back ] 253. Pausanias 1.26.3.
[ back ] 254. 466 BCE.
[ back ] 255. Stoic philosophers.
[ back ] 256. 463-1 BCE.
[ back ] 257. A contemporary of Demosthenes.
[ back ] 258. A most valuable reference to the importance of Lycurgus in Athens.
[ back ] 259. On the visual impact of these spectacular buildings known as neōs oikoi ‘ship-sheds’ at the dockyards of the Peiraieus, see the note of Mills McArthur on a relevant passage in Pausanias 1.1.2.
[ back ] 260. Note that the participants in the relay compete with each other. An important point of comparison is the rhapsodic competition at the Panathenaia.
[ back ] 261. The ‘monument’ of Plato will become most important for neo-Platonists like Proclus.
[ back ] 262. This is a very important detail, relevant to the Oedipus at Colonus by Sophocles.
[ back ] 263. Pausanias 1.1.1.
[ back ] 264. A beautiful testimony about the “Mycenaean” heritage of the demes of Attica.
[ back ] 265. A people of S. Russia.
[ back ] 266. By way of his mode of reference, Pausanias seems to be privileging here the deme of Marathon.
[ back ] 267. 490 BCE.
[ back ] 268. See also Pausanias 1.15.3.
[ back ] 269. See MoM 3§47.
[ back ] 270. Important take on Iphigeneia.
[ back ] 271. Important take on Aethiopians.
[ back ] 272. Note the link between Aethiopians and the Okeanos.
[ back ] 273. A meadow near the city of the Aethiopians, in which they dined.
[ back ] 274. Note his thinking about the Aethiopians and the Okeanos.
[ back ] 275. I comment on this passage in H24H.
[ back ] 276. Precious details about Amphiaraos.
[ back ] 277. Further important details about Amphiaraos.
[ back ] 278. Pausanias 1.1.1.
[ back ] 279. 318 BCE.
[ back ] 280. Boxing and wrestling combined.
[ back ] 281. 480 BCE.
[ back ] 282. Just before the Peloponnesian War.
[ back ] 283. 350 BCE.
[ back ] 284. Tyrant of Eretria in Euboea.
[ back ] 285. 198 BCE.
[ back ] 286. Nothing more is known of this man.
[ back ] 287. floruit circa 370 BCE.
[ back ] 288. Iliad 23.141 f.
[ back ] 289. A pupil of Isocrates.
[ back ] 290. Cyamos means “bean.”
[ back ] 291. A poem describing certain aspects of the Orphic religion.
[ back ] 292. An example of the religious reticence of Pausanias.
[ back ] 293. We see here indications of the Boeotian provenience of Dionysiac theater.
[ back ] 294. Pausanias 1.28.1.
[ back ] 295. 479 BCE.
[ back ] 296. The great legislator, who flourished early in the sixth century BCE.
[ back ] 297. 640-600 BCE.
[ back ] 298. 720 BCE.
[ back ] 299. A contemporary of Demosthenes.
[ back ] 300. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ ὄρους τῇ ἄκρᾳ Διός ἐστιν Ἀφεσίου καλουμένου ναός· φασὶ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ συμβάντος ποτὲ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν αὐχμοῦ θύσαντος Αἰακοῦ κατά τι δὴ λόγιον τῷ Πανελληνίῳ Διὶ ἐν Αἰγίνῃ † κομίσαντα δὲ ἀφεῖναι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο Ἀφέσιον καλεῖσθαι τὸν Δία. The dagger (†) preceding κομίσαντα indicates that, in the opinion of some editors, part of the wording here has dropped out of the textual transmission.