From city-goddess to war-goddess: On some epithets of Athena

1. It is currently accepted that the nature of goddess Athena is a complex one, and includes a series of characteristics, activities and attributes which are well attested already from the beginning of Greek poetry and live on practically unchanged along the history of Ancient Greece.* Two peculiarities of her personality are especially remarkable: on the one hand, Athena is a city-goddess (πολιάς), basically (but not exclusively) of Athens, as a surveyor of its different aspects, and with the attributes of a former mother-goddess; on the other hand she is a Panhellenic goddess, “the virgin war goddess, and the Olympian daughter of Zeus”, as “implied by the golden aegis and the gorgoneion … added to the statue of Athena Polias”, to mention Douglas Frame’s formulation. [1]
Both aspects are recognizable, at different degrees, in the Greek texts, although Homeric Athena is basically the Panhellenic war-goddess, the daughter of Zeus, and the virgin with characteristic armor (Il. 5.733-42), who brings later Athens under the protection of her father. She is recognizable as the city goddess of Athens proper only in Od. 7.80-81, when she disappears from our view and enters into the palace of Erechtheus (Frame 2009:396f.), whom she has formerly nurtured.
The twofold nature of Athena has been insightfully set forth by D. Frame as the last phase of a development from a city-goddess (and mother-goddess, honored as κουρότροφος in Elis, cf. Paus. 5.3.2) [2] , initially of Minoan origin [3] , to the Olympian virgin war goddess, who displaced the former goddess, which was otherwise not limited to Athens. The process, which appears as completely accomplished in the Homeric poems, seems to have taken place in Athens first in the post-Homeric period, most probably on the occasion of the annexation of Eleusis (ca. 600), which precisely is not mentioned in the Athenian entry in the Catalogue of the Ships (2.546-557): the Athenians, being probably the last Greeks to assimilate the Olympian Athena, the warlike virgin, adopted her as the symbol of hegemonic Athens, without dispensing of her character as protector of the city. [4] Both natures of Athena had melded in the image of the goddess already at the time of the epic poems: this is especially visible in invocations, consisting on an accumulative mention of Athena’s peculiarities in the epic (e.g. Ηsd.Th.924-6) or in tragedy, as well as in comedy, for instance

Αr. Eq. 581-9 Ὦ πολιοῦχε Παλλάς, ὦ
τῆς ἱερωτάτης ἁπα-
σῶν πολέμῳ τε καὶ ποη-
ταῖς δυνάμει θ’ ὑπερφερού-
σης μεδέουσα χώρας,
δεῦρ’ ἀφικοῦ λαβοῦσα τὴν
ἐν στρατιαῖς τε καὶ μάχαις
ἡμετέραν ξυνεργὸν
Νίκην, ἣ χορικῶν ἐστιν ἑταίρα
τοῖς τ’ ἐχθροῖσι μεθ’ ἡμῶν στασιάζει.
‘Oh! Pallas, guardian of Athens, you, who reign over the most holy land, superior to all in war, in poets, in power, come to my call, bringing in your train our faithful ally in all our expeditions and combats, Victory!’.
Cf. also Ar. Lys. 343-6 Ἅς, ὦ θεά, μή ποτ’ ἐγὼ πιμπραμένας ἴδοιμι,
ἀλλὰ πολέμου καὶ μανιῶν ῥυσαμένας Ἑλλάδα καὶ πολίτας·
ἐφ’ οἷσπερ, ὦ χρυσολόφα
πολιοῦχε, σὰς ἔσχον ἕδρας
‘(these women) whom, o Goddess, might I never get to see burning, but saving Greece and her citizens, the purpose on which, o thou of the golden helmet, protector of the city, they took/occupied your seats!’. [5]
Many of the epithets of Athena may be easily adscribed to one or the other of the two natures of the goddess sketched above. However, in some cases it is impossible to decide whether one given epithet points to the city goddess or to the virgin warrior goddess, as its concept itself may fit both, for instance when Athena is referred to as a ‘city-savior’ (ἐρυσίπτολις Il. 6.305, HH 28.3 +), i.e. as both a protector of the city and as a military defender:

Il. 6.305 πότνι’ Ἀθηναίη ἐρυσίπτολι δῖα θεάων
ἆξον δὴ ἔγχος Διομήδεος, ἠδὲ καὶ αὐτὸν
πρηνέα δὸς πεσέειν Σκαιῶν προπάροιθε πυλάων
(prayer of Theano, in warlike context)
HH 11.1-4 Παλλάδ’ Ἀθηναίην ἐρυσίπτολιν ἄρχομ’ ἀείδειν
δεινήν, ᾗ σὺν Ἄρηϊ μέλει πολεμήϊα ἔργα
περθόμεναί τε πόληες ἀϋτή τε πτόλεμοί τε,
καί τ’ ἐρρύσατο λαὸν ἰόντα τε νισόμενόν τε
Cf. also HH 28.1-5 Παλλάδ’ Ἀθηναίην κυδρὴν θεὸν ἄρχομ’ ἀείδειν / γλαυκῶπιν πολύμητιν ἀμείλιχον ἦτορ ἔχουσαν / παρθένον αἰδοίην ἐρυσίπτολιν ἀλκήεσσαν / Tριτογενῆ, τὴν αὐτὸς γείνατο μητίετα Ζεὺς / σεμνῆς ἐσ κεφαλῆς, πολεμήϊα τεύχε’ ἔχουσαν, Α. Sept. 128 σύ τ’, ὦ Διογενὲς φιλόμαχον κράτος, / ῥυσίπολις γενοῦ, Παλλάς ‘o powerful, sprung of Zeus, lover of battle, be the protector of our city, Pallas…!’
The diversity of the aspects of Athena’s twofold nature is richly reflected in the epithets used to refer to (or to invoke) her, both in poetry and in the cultic by-names attested in different regions. The latter, namely the cultic epithets proper, which occur in the inscriptions and are referred to by historians and periegetes, provide us with vivid, trustworthy information about how the goddess was invoked in her sanctuaries and cults and how she is represented in the imagery of local religiosity. More complex is the evaluation of epithets and by-names attested in poetry, for which two possibilities remain open: (a) an exclusively literary creation, relying on a free invention of the poet, although it may evoke some authentic aspect of the goddess; (b) a cultic epithet proper: this is surely the case when a poetic epithet is also mentioned by historiographic sources and/or epigraphically attested.
The aim of the present contribution is to give an overview of the epithets and by-names of Athena which evoke her peculiarities as a city-goddess and as war-goddess and to focus on some of them, literary and/or cultic, which are remarkable for different reasons, namely because of the phraseological patterns they conceal, or because of the difficulties their interpretation raise, or simply because they have not been paid the attention they deserve.
2. The name itself of Athena is not informative about her nature. A form /At hānā-/ (genitive /At hānās/) is attested in Mycenaean as a place name in Cnossos, namely a-ta-na-po-ti-ni-ja KN V 52: Room of the Chariot tablets) to be understood as /At hānās Potniāi/ ‘to the Mistress of Athana’, not ‘to Athana the Mistress’: Myc. a-ta-na matches the place-name Ἀθῆvαι (and Ἀθήνη, Μυκήνη : Μυκήναι) of the first millennium, i.e. that of Athens and of several other regions). One may safely assume that the deity called /potnia/ (: πότνια) of /At hānē ā/ was precisely called (and invoked as) Athana, [6] but she can hardly be identified either with the Athena of Athens, i.e. as the local city-goddess, or with Olympian Athena, who is one of the four main divinities (beside Aphrodite, Apollo, and Demeter) who are not attested in the Linear B tablets. The parallelism between Myc. /At hānās Potniāi/ (Cnossos) and Hom. (voc.) πότvι’ Ἀθηναίη (Il. 6.302-3 εὐχομένη δ’ ἠρᾶτο Διὸς κούρῃ μεγάλοιο· / πότνι’ Ἀθηναίη ἐρυσίπτολι δῖα θεάων) is evident, but only from the formal point of view: the Cnossian ‘Mistress of Athana’, surely one among the several Mycenaean po-ti-ni-ja, even if her actual nature escapes us, is not a direct forerunner of Homeric and Classical Athena. [7]
As to Παλλάς, first attested as Παλλὰς Ἀθηναίη (Il.10.275, Παλλάδ’ Ἀθηναίην 1.200), later alone Παλλάς Βa.5.91 τὰ δέ που / Παλλάδι ξανθᾷ, +) is less opaque, at least e Graeco ipso: it is currently assumed to be a derivative of the lexeme underlying παλλακή ‘virgin, maiden’ (Hdt.+), [8] πάλλαξ ‘youth’ (Gramm.), [9] which points to young, virginal Athena. An association (not necessarily etymological) with πάλλειν ‘brandish’, παλαίειν ‘to wrestle’, πάλη ‘fight’ (Hom.) was more than evident for Ancient scholars, hence the ‘brandisher of the spear’ (among others), cf. the succinct, but rich accounts in the lemma in the Etymologicum Magnum and that by the grammarian Apollonius: [10]

EM 649.52 Παλλάς, ἡ Ἀθηνᾶ· ἢ παρὰ τὸ ἀναπεπάλθαι ἐκ τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ Διός, ἢ ὅτι Πάλλαντα, ἕνα τῶν Γιγάντων ἀπέκτεινε. ἢ παρὰ τὸ ἀεὶ πάλλειν καὶ κραδαίνειν τὸ δόρυ · πολεμικὴ γὰρ ἡ θεός.
Apoll. Lex.Hom.p.126.30 Παλλάς · ἐπίθετον ἴδιον Ἀθηνᾶς, ὡς μὲν Ἀπίων, ἀπὸ τοῦ παίειν τοὺς λαούς, ἢ ἀπὸ τοῦ πάλλειν τὸ δόρυ, ἢ ἀπὸ τοῦ πάλλειν κατὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν· παρθένος γάρ ἐστιν, ὅθεν καὶ ὁ πάλλαξ ὠνόμασται. ἔνιοι δὲ ὅτι Πάλλαντα ἀνεῖλεν ἕνα τῶν Γιγάντων.
Τhis fits obviously into Athena’s image of a warrior, but hardly works from the linguistic point of view. An etymological connection with πάλλειν, πάλη would imply that the geminate of Παλλάς is expressive [11] (which could be possible, but not immediately convincing) and, especially, that the initial /p-/ is etymological like that of πάλλειν (PIE *pelh1-/*pl̥h1‘to brandish, wave’, cf. Hom. πελεμίζειν ‘to vibrate, shake’, pass. ‘to tremble’, πόλεμος ‘war’ and Ved. pŕ̥tanā- ‘fight’, ‘enemy army’, Lat. populus [12] : Umbr. puplum, poplom). This seems excluded if masculine Πάλλᾱς, -αντος [13] underlies in Mycenaean the MN qa-ra2 ,/Kwallānt-s/ PY An(7) 192.16 (dat. qa-ra2-te /Kwallānt-ei/ An 39.v.3, TH Of 38.1), qa-ra2-ti-jο /Kwallāntio-/ KN Dg 1235.B, which leaves no doubt about an initial labiovelar.
3. Let us shortly recall some epithets of Athena which clearly reflect the nature of a city-goddess (μεδέουσα χώρας Ar. Eq. 585), in addition to the well-known Πολιάς ‘guardian of the city’ (Hdt.+, also in different cities, Πολιᾶτις in Arcadia),which lives on in the epithet Wedrẽñi of Malija, the Lycian Athena, and in Latin, [14] and πολιοῦχος ‘she who has the city under her control’ (Αr.+) with variants like πολιάοχoς (ὦ πολιάοχε Παλλάς P.Ol. 5.22), πολίᾱχος (Sparta, 5th C; Call.), as well as ἐρυσίπτολις (§1). These epithets point to Athena as the city-goddess par excellence, more precisely as an observer (ἐπίσκοπος Solon; ὀξυδερκής in Corinthia), a defender of justice and law (ἀξιόποινος in Laconia, ἀγοραία in Laconia and Thessaly), as a teacher of technical skills (ἐργάνη Hsd.+), or as helper in a broad sense (ἐπίκουρος Nonn., ἐπιήρανος Ant.Pal.).
ἀγοραία ‘protector of the assembly’, at least in Thessaly (Αθαναι Αγοραια SEG 27: 184.1, Atrax, 4th C), where ἀγορά means characteristically ‘assembly’ (cf. the formula αγoρας ενσας “ἀγορῆς οὔσης”), as in Homer (Il. 2.91-4 ὣς τῶν ἔθνεα πολλὰ νεῶν ἄπο καὶ κλισιάων /… ἐστιχόωντο / ἰλαδὸν εἰς ἀγορήν· … /… · οἳ δ’ ἀγέροντο./ τετρήχει δ’ ἀγορή, ὑπὸ δὲ στεναχίζετο γαῖα / λαῶν ἱζόντων, ὅμαδος δ’ ἦν) and matches the ἐλευθέρα ἀγορά (Arist. Pol. 1231a). The connection with ἀγορά ‘square’ or ‘market’ (cf. ἀγοράζω ‘buy in the market’ Hdt.), seems preferable for the Laconian Athena Ἀγοραία, who had a sanctuary in the market place, like Zeus Ἀγοραῖος (Paus. 3.11.9 ἱερὸν καὶ Διός ἐστιν Ἀγοραίου, τὸ δὲ Ἀθηνᾶς Ἀγοραίας …). [15]
ἀξιόποινος ‘exacting due punishment’ in Laconia, cf. Paus. 3.15.6 … ἐστιν ἐν δεξιᾷ καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς Ἀξιοποίνου καλουμένης ἱερόν. … , Ἀξιοποίνου δὲ ἐπίκλησιν, ὅτι τὰς τιμωρίας οἱ παλαιοὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὠνόμαζον ποινάς. [16]
ἐπίσκοπος ‘guardian’: Solo fr. 4.1-4 West ἡμετέρη δὲ πόλις κατὰ μὲν Διὸς οὔποτ’ ὀλεῖται / αἶσαν καὶ μακάρων θ<εῶ>ν φρένας ἀθανάτων· / τοίη γὰρ μεγάθυμος ἐπίσκοπος ὀβριμοπάτρη / Παλλὰς Ἀθηναίη χεῖρας ὕπερθεν ἔχει ‘our city will never perish through the dispensation of Zeus or the intention of the blessed Immortals; for such a great-hearted guardian, Pallas Athena, born of a mighty father, holds her hand over it’. [17]
ἐπιήρανος ‘of help’: Anth.Pal. 263.1 Πότνι’ Ἀθηνάων ἐπιήρανε, Τριτογένεια, / ἥ τ’ ἐπὶ ἔργα βροτῶν ὁράᾳς (: Kaibel ep.1046b). The sense of the obscure term, a variant of Ηοm. ἐπίηρος ‘of help’ (*u̯erH- ‘help’, “gratia”), [18] was clear to the glossists cf. ἐπιήρανος · ἐπίκουρος, ἐπιθυμητός, ἐπιήρανα · ἐπιχάριτα (Hsch.), also in the hapax Od.19.343 οὐδέ τί μοι ποδάνιπτρα ποδῶν ἐπιήρανα θυμῷ ‘nor do baths of the feet give my heart help’ (cf. ἐπιήρανα · ἐπικουρητικὰ τῆς ψυχῆς Hsch.).
ἐπίκουρος ‘helper’, i.e. *‘running to help’ (Hom.+): Nonn. Dion. 37.316-7… ἐν κραδίῃ δὲ / ἱπποσύνης πολιοῦχον ἑὴν ἐπίκουρον Ἀθήνην / κικλήσκων …
ἐργάνη ‘worker’ or ‘patron of workers’ (S. fr.844.2 τὴν Διὸς γοργῶπιν Ἐργάνην, Αel. 1.2 Ὑφαντικὴν καὶ ὑφαίνειν, δῶρα Ἐργάνης δαίμονος): Athena teaches the Phaeacian women to work in the Odyssey (7.110-1 περὶ γάρ σφισι δῶκεν Ἀθήνη / ἔργα τ᾿ἐπίστασθαι περικαλλέα καὶ φρένας ἐσθλάς), [19] especially to weave (cf. Hsd. Op. 63-4 αὐτὰρ Ἀθήνην / ἔργα διδασκῆσαι, πολυδαίδαλον ἱστὸν ὑφαίνειν, also a cultic epiclesis in Athens (Paus. 1.24.3 λέλεκται δέ μοι καὶ πρότερον ὡς Ἀθηναίοις περισσότερόν τι ἢ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐς τὰ θεῖά ἐστι σπουδῆς· πρῶτοι μὲν γὰρ Ἀθηνᾶν ἐπωνόμασαν Ἐργάνην), also in other regions (Wide 1893:54). Cf. also the epithets ἰστοπόνος ‘working at the loom’ (ΑP 6.247 Παλλάδος ἰστοπόνου), and ἐργοπόνος ‘laborious’ (ἐργοπόνῳ Ἀθήνῃ Νοnn. 24.329, Carm.epigr.).
ὀξυδερκής ‘sharp-sighted’ in Corinthia (Paus. 2.24.2 Corinthia) τοῦ Δειραδιώτου δὲ Ἀπόλλωνος ἔχεται μὲν ἱερὸν Ἀθηνᾶς Ὀξυδερκοῦς καλουμένης). The epithet (Hdt., Arist.) may be synonymous with ἐπίσκοπος, in spite of Pausanias’s explanation (… Διομήδους ἀνάθημα, ὅτι οἱ μαχομένῳ ποτὲ ἐν Ἰλίῳ τὴν ἀχλὺν ἀφεῖλεν ἡ θεὸς ἀπὸ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν).
It must be finally noticed that the Lycian goddess Malija, [20] which perfectly matches Athena (Μαλίς· Ἀθηνᾶ Hsch.), [21] is referred to as city-goddess (Lyc. wedren͂n͂ehi, a derivative of wedri- ‘city’) and as a supervisor and/or protector (Lyc. hrixuwama-), who eventually acts as a punisher (3sg. tubidi ): the semantics of the terms perfectly match πολιάς :: πόλις, ἐπίσκοπος and ἀξιόπονος, respectively. On the other hand, the Lesbian variant Μᾶλις in Sapph. fr. 17.1 Μᾶλις μὲν ἔννη λέπτον ἔχοισ’ ἐπ’ ἀτράκτωι λίνον refers to a weaving goddess, which seems to match Ἀθηνᾶ Ἐργάνη. Lycian Atãnas “Ἀθῆναι” is actually a place name, with ethnic Ata͂naze/i- (Hajnal 1994:153). Let us remember the essentials:
On Lycian Malija wedrẽñni (TL 150.6ff.), cf. malijahi wedre͂n͂nehi ax[[s]]a͂taza ‘priest of M.W.’ (TL 149a 29-30), cf. wedri ‘city’, and the place-name Wedre- ‘Rhodiapolis’ (cf. ἡ Ῥοδιαπολειτῶν θεά Ἀθηνᾶ in Greek texts of the region.
On wedrẽñni as city-goddess who punishes (tubidi) infractions, cf. TL 104.4-5 e.g. mene : ma͂[h]a͂i : tubeiti wed[ren͂]hi ‘and the city-goddess must punish him’ (.).
On Lycian Malija hrixuwama, cf. Cf. TL 80.1-3 (Kaș) se=i=ni ñtepi tãtu tike ne=de xuwati=ti ne ṃe=i m=ene / [Trq]as tubidi se Malija hrixuwama ‘they should not bury there some one who does not xuwati (is a relative). If this not the case, the god Trqqant will punish him, and also Malija hrixuwama.’
Lycian hri-xuu̯ama- ‘supervisor’, ‘protective deity’ (*‘running [his eyes] on the top’) perfectly match the lexemes and the translative meaning of Hitt. šēr ḫuu̯ant- ‘supervisor’ (García Ramón 2015:131ff.) their meaning basically match that of ἐπί-σκοπος, ἐπι-ήρανος, ἐπί-κουρος by means of which Athena is also referred to.
4. A large series of literary epithets reflect different aspects of the warlike nature of Athena, namely (1) her power and strength, (2) the weapons she carries, and (3) her activity as a warrior deity properly. They may occur as epiclesis, in vocatives introduced by ὦ, or σύ, but this obviously does not imply that they are cultic stricto sensu, like those attested in inscriptions (§§10-15). A brief overview of some of the epithets in poetry (in alphabetic order within each of the three groups) speaks for itself.
(1) epithets of Athena which evoke power, strength:

ἀλκήεσσα ‘doughty’,‘valiant, courageous’ (ΗΗ 28. 3-4 παρθένον αἰδοίην ἐρυσίπτολιν ἀλκήεσσαν / Τριτογενῆ.
ἀλκίμα (S. Ai. 401ff. ἁ Διὸς ἀλκίμα θεὸς)
παγκρατής ‘almighty’ (Ar. Th. 317 καὶ σύ, παγκρατὲς κόρα γλαυκ/ῶπι), [22] also κράτος (personified, Α.Sept. 128-30 σύ τ’, ὦ Διογενὲς φιλόμαχον κράτος).
In late Poetry: ἀνούτητος ‘invulnerable’ (Nonn. 36.15); θοῦρις ‘rushing, impetuous, furious’ (Nonn. 26.2, 48.799, Τriph. 112). [23]
(2) weapons and equipment (cf. HH 28.15 εἵλετ’ ἀπ’ ἀθανάτων ὤμων θεοείκελα τεύχη / Παλλὰς Ἀθηναίη ‘took off the godlike armor from her immortal shoulders’):

φαλαρῖτις ‘furnished with metal bosses, cheek-pieces (φάλαρα)’ (Callim.fr.503 ἵλαθί μοι, φαλαρῖτι πυλαιμάχε.
χρύσασπις ‘of golden shield’ (Παλλάδος χρυσάσπιδος E.Phoen.1372, Nonn. 34.47)
χρυσόλογχος ‘with golden spear’ (E. Ιοn.9 τῆς χρυσολόγχου Παλλάδος, Ar.Th.318 χρυσόλογχε)
χρυσολόφα ‘with golden crest’ (Ar. Lys. 344 ὦ χρυσολόφα πολίουχε)
Hellen. χρυσοπήληξ ‘with helm of gold’ (Call. h.5.43f. ἔξιθ’, Ἀθαναία περσέπτολι, χρυσεοπήληξ). Cf. χρυσεοπήληξ epithet of Ares (A.Th.106). [24]
In late Poetry: κορυθαίολος ‘with glancing helm’ (Nonn. 20.55 Παλλάδα κορυθαίολον), also epithet of war-god Ares (Il. 20.38)
(3) warrior activity of Athena in its diverse manifestations:

ἀγε-λείη ‘(she) who leads the plunder’, or ‘who takes away the plunder’ (Il. 4.128 … πρώτη δὲ Διὸς θυγάτηρ ἀγελείη). The term is correctly explained as ἄγουσα λείαν by Eustathius, cf. in E. Tro. 614ἀγόμεθα λεία σὺν τέκνῳ…, speaks Andromache: ‘I am taken hence with my child as booty’).
ἀγέστρατος ‘(she) who leads the army’ (Hsd., cf. §15 on Thess. λαγέταρρα or λαγείταρρα).
ἀρηγών ‘protector (of warriors)’ (Il. 5.510/1…, ἐπεὶ ἴδε Παλλάδ’ Ἀθήνην / οἰχομένην· ἣ γάρ ῥα πέλεν Δαναοῖσιν ἀρηγών, also Nonn. 27.63).
ἐγχειβρόμος ‘(she) who has a thunder in the spear’ [25] (Pi.Ο.7.43 πατρί τε θυμὸν ἰάναι/εν κόρᾳ τ’ ἐγχειβρόμῳ. ‘might cheer the hearts of the father and his daughter who has a thunder in her spear’.
ἐγρεμάχη (§7), ἐγρεκύδοιμος (§8)
ἐπίρροθος ‘coming to the rescue’ (Il. 4.390 … τοίη οἱ ἐπίρροθος ἦεν Ἀθήνη ‘such a helper was Athene to him’, Il. 23.770-1 κλῦθι θεά, ἀγαθή μοι ἐπίρροθος ἐλθὲ ποδοῖιν. / …· τοῦ δ’ ἔκλυε Παλλὰς Ἀθήνη)
ληῖ-τις ‘(she) who makes plunder, takes booty’ (Ἀθηναίῃ Ληίτιδι Il. 10.460, also in Elis, according to Pausanias) [26] , as well as Ηοm. ἀγε-λείη and Lit.Lesb. πολύ-λαις (s.v.).
κοίρανος* ‘ruler, leader’ (Nonn. 37.320 κοίρανε Κεκροπίης Παλλάς), presupposed by κοιρανέω (Il. 5.331-3 οὐδὲ θεάων / τάων αἵ τ’ ἀνδρῶν πόλεμον κάτα κοιρανέουσιν, / οὔτ’ ἄρ’ Ἀθηναίη οὔτε πτολίπορθος Ἐνυώ ‘knowing that she was a weakling goddess, and not one of those goddesses who lord in the battle of warriors, no Athene she, nor Enyo, sacker of cities’)
λαοσόος (Hom) ‘(the one) who agitates the army’ (Od. 22.210 ὣς φάτ’, ὀϊόμενος λαοσσόον ἔμμεν’ Ἀθήνην, Il. 13.128 Ἀθηναίη λαοσόος), cf. Hom. ἐπεσσεύοντο δὲ λαοί. Cf. also P.Pyth. 12.23f. ὠνύμασεν κεφαλᾶν πολλᾶν νόμον, / εὐκλεᾶ λαοσόων μναστῆρ᾽ ἀγώνων ‘she (scil. Athena) called it the tune of many heads, famous reminder of contests which agitate the people’ (Laura Massetti, p.c.). [27] Athena shares the epithet with Ares (Il. 13.127-8 καρτεραί, ἃς οὔτ’ ἄν κεν Ἄρης ὀνόσαιτο μετελθὼν /οὔτε κ’ Ἀθηναίη λαοσσόος). [28]
ὀρσίμαχος (§6)
παγκρατής s. above (1)
πάμμαχος ‘ready for every fight’ (Ar. Lys. 1322 τὰν κρατίσταν πάμμαχον, τὰν Χαλκίοικον).
περσέπολις ‘(she) who destroys the cities’, also poetical Περσέπτολις (Ar.nub. 967 ἢ “Παλλάδα περσέπολιν δεινάν”, Lamprocl. (5thC) fr.1 Παλλάδα περσέπολιν κλήιζω πολεμαδόκον ἁγνάν / παῖδα Διὸς μεγάλου δαμάσιππον / Παλλάδα περσέπολιν δεινὰν θεὸν ἐγρεκύδοιμον …, Callim. h.5.43 Ἀθαναία περσέπτολι).
πολεμόκλονος (§9)
πολύ-λαις ‘having much plunder’ (Αlc. fr. 298.9 <Ἀθ>ανάας πολυλάιδος)
φιλόμαχον κράτος s. above (1)
πολεμᾱδόκος ‘she who accepts (i.e. faces) the war’ in Alcaeus (fr. 325˻῎Ωνασσ’ Ἀ˼θανάα ˻πολεμάδοκε˼ apud Strab. 9.9.2), actually Athana Itonia, whose cult is attested also in Thessaly and Boeotia, as pointed out by A.Porro (2020: 310-4). The epithet is complementary to Athena πολέμω δότερρα ‘she who gives war’ (Alc. fr. 298.23 … παῖδα Δ]ίος πολέμω δότε[ρ]ραν) (Porro 2020: 308-9 “che da e accoglie la guerra’). Cf. also Lamprocl. 1.1 Παλλάδα περσέπολιν κλήιζω πολεμαδόκον ἁγνάν. The epithet refers also to the ὅπλα of Ares (Pi.P.10.13 … ἐν πολεμαδόκοις / Ἄρεος ὅπλοις).
πυλαιμάχος ‘fighting at the gate’ (Αr.Εq. 1172 Παλλὰς ἡ Πυλαιμάχος, Call.fr.503 ἵλαθί μοι, φαλαρῖτι πυλαιμάχε)
In late Poetry: ἀκόρητος ‘insatiate of battle-din’ (Nonn. 30.297 μόθων ἀκόρητος Ἀθήνη); ἐπίκουρος ‘helper’ (Colluth 139 ἐπίκουρον Ἀθήναν); ἑλέπτολις ‘(she) who destroys cities’ (Orph.L.); ἐπαμύντωρ ‘helper’ Orph.L.587); ἱπποσόη (Nonn. 37.320 κοίρανε Κεκροπίης, ἱπποσσόε Παλλὰς ἀμήτωρ, …); μενέχαρμος ‘firm in the fight, stubborn in battle’ (Nonn. 31.244 μὴ μενέχαρμον ἴδω μεθύουσαν Ἀθήνην, 32.267 αἰδόμενος μενέχαρμον / ἑὴν πολιοῦχον Ἀθήνην), also μενέχαρμος Ἄρης (Nonn.20.363); ὁρμάστειρα ‘(she) who urges on’ (Orph.); [29] πρόμαχος ‘fighting for’ (προμάχῳ Παλλάδι Κεκροπίῃ ΑntGr) [30] ; πτολιπόρθος ‘(she) who sackes cities’ (πτολιπόρθος ἈθήνηTriph. 390, also epithet of Ares , Il.20.152, Hes.Th.936); σακέσπαλος ‘(she) who wields the shield’ (Q.S. 1.514 σακέσπαλος Ἀτρυτώνη); στρατία ‘of the army, warlike’ (Luc.DMeretr. 9.1 πολλὴ χάρις τοῖς θεοῖς, καὶ μάλιστα τῷ ξενίῳ Διὶ καὶ Ἀθηνᾷ στρατίᾳ).
4. In what follows attention will be paid to some epithets of Athena. On the one hand, four poetic epithets, namely ὀρσίμαχος (Bacch.), ἐγρεμάχη (HHCer.), ἐγρεκύδοιμος (Hsd.), and πολεμόκλονος (Batr.), all of which point to the warlike nature of the goddess and reflect phraseological patterns attested in Greek as well as in other ancient IE languages. On the other hand, four cultic by-names of Athena which occur in inscriptions from different regions, namely Ἀλέα and Ἀρεία (Arcadia, also other regions) and Θέρσυς (or Θερσύς, Larissa, Thessalia), as well as a controversial form read as Λαγ[..]ταρρα or as Λαι̣[..]ταρρα in the same inscription as Θέρσυς.
5. The epithets ὀρσίμαχος ‘who raises’ or ‘stirs up’ the fight’ (Bacch.), ἐγρεμάχη ‘who wakes / rouses the fight’ (HCer.), and ἐγρεκύδοιμος ‘who wakes / rouses the din of war’ (Hsd.) are governing compounds with verbal first member and reflect phraseological collocations which may be expressed by means of the same lexemes or by synonyms or quasi-synonyms in Greek, both in poetry and in prose, as well as in other IE languages. The verbs underlying ὀρσι° and ἐγρε° are surely not synonyms, but their second members are: μάχη ‘fight’, κύδοιμος ‘din of battle’, ‘uproar’ may be subsumed under the label [evil], as well as πόλεμος, φύλοπις, also μῆνις, νεῖκος ‘wrath, strife’, ἔρις ‘id.’. The semantic differences between the compounds with ὀρσι° and ἐγρε° (and between the collocations they conceal) depend obviously on their first members, as the second member [evil], expressed by synonyms, is common to all.
Let us turn to the compound ὀρσίμαχος in Bacchylides

B. Dith. 15.3 …]ρ̣α̣κ̣ο̣ι̣τ̣ις Ἀθάνας πρόσπολος
x – ⏑ –] Παλλάδος ὀρσιμάχου,

for which two possibilities remain open, namely (a) ‘(Athana) who raises the battle’, if ὀρσι° conceals ὀρ- (ὦρσε, ὄρνυσι), i.e. a collocation [raise – evil], or (b) ‘(Athana) who whirls up the battle’, if ὀρσι° conceals ὀρίνω ‘to whirl (up), stir (up), agitate’ (aor. ὀρινα-, perf. ὀρώρεται: ὀρίνo/ε- in what follows), [31] i.e. a collocation [whirl up, agitate – evil],

As to (a) [raise – evil] cf.

Il. 4.15-6ἤ ῥ’ αὖτις πόλεμόν τε κακὸν καὶ φύλοπιν αἰνὴν / ὄρσομεν,…
‘… whether we again stir up grim warfare and the terrible fighting’ (Zeus to Hera),
also Il. 9.353 οὐκ ἐθέλεσκε μάχην ἀπὸ τείχεος ὀρνύμεν Ἕκτωρ
‘Hector would not drive his attack beyond the wall’s shelter’,
Il.17.384 ἔριδος μέγα νεῖκος ὀρώρει,
Οd. 3.161 … ὅς ῥ’ ἔριν ὦρσε κακὴν ἔπι δεύτερον αὖτις.

The collocation is expressed by synonymous αἴρο/ε- (: Hom.poet. ἀείρο/ε-) ‘to lift up’ in the compound ἀερσίμαχ̣ος ‘who raises up battle’ in Bacchylides

B. Ep.13.100 τῶν υἷας ἀερσιμάχ̣[ους
ταχύν τ’ Ἀχιλλ<έα>,
cf. also CThgn.90 νεῖκος ἀειράμενος.

The collocation is well attested in prose, cf. Hdt. 7.132.2 oἱ Ἕλληvες … oἱ τῷ βαρβάρῳ πόλεμov ἀειράμεvoι, Thuc. 4.60.2 πόλεμον γὰρ αἰρομένων ἡμῶν.

As to (b) [whirl up, agitate – evil], which implies that ὀρσι° may conceal ὀρίνο/ε- ‘to whirl (up)’, a remark is in order: for ὀρίνο/ε- one would expect a first member *ὀρισι° (cf. φθισιē :: φθίνο/ε-, τ(ε)ισι° :: τίνο/ε-): the absence of an aorist ὀρισα- may have favoured that ὀρσι° takes over the meaning of ὀρίνο/ε- too. The collocation, which does not occur in the Epic (but cf. §§ 8,9), is attested precisely in Bacchylides with μῆνις ‘wrath’ as its object:

Bacch. 13.110-1ὁππότε Πη̣[λείδας
τ̣ρα̣[χ]ε̣ῖαν̣ [Ἀτˈρείδαισι μ]ᾶνιν
ὠρίνατ[ο,
‘when the Peleides stirred hard strife against the Atrides’
The collocation [agitate – evil], expressed by means of synonymous κινέο/ε-, is attested in prose, cf. Thuc. 6.34.4 δεόμενοι … τὸν ἐκεῖ πόλεμον κινεῖν, Plat. Resp. 566e πρῶτον μὲν πολέμους τινὰς ἀεὶ κινεῖ.
A decision in favor of (a) is easier from a strictly formal point of view, but semantically both collocations (a) and (b) are supported by nice comparanda. Moreover, ὀρ- and ὀρίvο/ε- partially overlap and may actually occur in identical collocations, e.g. with νεῖκος and μῆνις, i.e. with [evil], cf. (a) Il. 3.87 vεῖκoς ὄρωρε ‘this strife is arisen’ beside (b) Bacch. 13. 110/2 μ]ᾶvιv / ὠρίvατ[o (s. above). [32]
The collocation [raise – evil] is well attested in some languages, as Vedic (with ar / 1 ‘raise’), Latin with intransitive orīrī , (°)surgere) [33] or Old English (with up á-hebban)

RV 1.81.3ab yád u dī́rata ājáyo dhr̥ṣṇáve dhīyatedhánā
‘when fights arise, for the courageous the booty prize has been placed’
Verg. Aen. 2.411, oriturque miserrima caedes
‘and a most pitiable slain raises’ [34]
Genesis B 259 […] ongan him winn up ahebban / wið þone hehstan heofnes waldend […]
‘he (Lucifer) began to raise fight against the highest lord of the heaven’

Cf. also Old Norse hefja ørrustu ‘to raise up the battle’, actually ‘start the battle’ with lexicalized hefja ‘to begin’, like upp-haf ‘begin, start’ (Riccardo Ginevra, p.c.). [35]

Indo-European comparison is not always helpful to elucidate the sense of the compounds with ὀρσι°, as in some languages it is difficult to recognize a difference between (a) ‘raise’ and (b) ‘stir (up), whirl, agitate’. This is the case with Hitt. arai-/arii̯a-ḫḫi [36] , both ‘to rise’ and ‘to whirl’, and with Lat. ex-citāre, sus-citāre ‘stir, stimulate’ (beside simplex citō, -āre ‘to whirl, agitate’), [37] and OE a-stirian ‘to strife, agitate, remove’, ONorse œsa ‘id’.

KUB 31.66 iv 4 TUKU.TUKU-an a-ra-a-i ‘he rouses wrath’ (or ‘raises up’)
KUB 12.62 xxii 7 vs. 1 k]u-u-ru-ri HI.A a-ra-iš-kat-ta-ri
‘enemities rise up repeatedly’. Cf. also KBo 5:4 ii 21-2 ma-an tu-uk-ma ku-iš-ki … [KÚR] a-ra-a-i ‘when an enemy rises up against you’.
Aen. 12.497/8 terribilis saeuam nullo discrimine caedem / suscitat, …
‘he frightful and indiscriminately stirs a terrible slaughter up …’., Liv. 21.10.3 … obtestans ne Romanum cum Saguntino suscitarent bellum ‘adjuring (the senators)… to provoke not a Roman along with the Saguntine war’. [38] The collocation in Latin could a priori be a calque from Greek, but its presence in Prose suggests that it is part of the living language.

L. Ælf. P. 50 ne he ceaste ne astirige ‘he shall not stir up strife’
To sum up: ὀρσιμάχη may reflect both the collocations [raise – evil (battle, fight)] and [whirl – evil (battle, fight)], which are also attested in other IE traditions.
7. The compound ἐγρεμάχη ‘she who wakes/rouses the battle’, with ἐγρε° (cf. aor. Hom. ἔγρετο ‘awoke’, impv. ἔγρεο, cf. gloss ἔγρετο· ἐγείρετο Hsch. ad Il. 2.41 ἔγρετο ἐξ ὕπνου) occurs first in the Homeric Hym to Demeter HCer 2.424 Παλλάς τ’ ἐγρεμάχη καὶ Ἄρτεμις ἰοχέαιρα, then in later Poetry, [39] as the feminine counterpart of ἐγρεμάχᾱς (ἐγρεμάχαν / Θησέα Soph. OC 1054-5).
Athena is also called ἐγερσιμάχη (cf. ἐγρεμάχας· ἐγερσιμάχας Hsch.) in Late poetry (Anth.Gr. 6.122 τίς νύ σε θῆκε θεᾷ δῶρον ἐγερσιμάχᾳ). The man’s names Ἐγέρτιος, ῎Εγερσις (Attica, 4th C) may be truncated forms of a compound with a first member Ἐγερτι°, Ἐγερσι° (: aor. *eger-sa-). [40]
The epithet (of both men and gods) reflects a collocation [rouse, awake – evil], which is well attested since Homer, cf.

Il. 13.778 ἐξ οὗ γὰρ παρὰ νηυσὶ μάχην ἤγειρας ἑταίρων,
‘for since that time when by the ships you [775 Ἔκτορ] roused the battle of our companions …’,
Cf. also Hsd. Th. 713 … μάχην δριμεῖαν ἔγειραν and, with synonymous objects, Il. 20.31 … (Κρονίδης) πόλεμον δ’ ἀλίαστον ἔγειρε, Il. 5.495 ἔγειρε δὲ φύλοπιν αἰνήν, Il. 2.440 ἴομεν, ὄφρα κε θᾶσσον ἐγείρομεν ὀξὺν Ἄρηα.
The collocation seems to have been continued by the compounds of ºcitāre [41] (cf.§ 6), but is well attested also in Old Germanic languages and in Armenian, where it is expressed by means of lexemes not etymologically connected. This is the case with the reflexes of PGm. *wakja- (OE weccean, ONorse vekja) with OE wīgbealu ‘evil of war’, ON. víg ‘fight’, ‘evil’ for [evil]. [42] Some instances from Old English and Old Norse:

Beow. 2044/6onginneð geōmor-mōd geongum cempan
þurh hreðra gehyad, higes cunnian
wīgbealu weccean
‘he began, sad in mind, through his heart and thought to test the spirit of a young warrior, to awake the evil of war’.
38.3 víg nam … at vekja ‘he began, to awake the fight’ (also Akv 15.3 at vekja gram hilde ‘to awake the thorny struggle’).
The collocation is attested in Armenian (zartean paterazmownk‘, Daniel Kölligan p.c.):

yor yawowrs mer zartean paterazmownk ič‘oric kołmanc
‘in our days wars awake in all four (heaven) directions’ (Aristakes Lastiverc‘i, 1st AD).
In conclusion: the epithet ἐγρεμάχη of Athena (HHCer.), like its late variant ἐγερσιμάχη, reflects a collocation [rouse, awake – evil (war)], which expresses the same state of affairs [43] as (and is stylistically marked as against) [raise – evil (war)] and [stir, whirl – evil (war)], which may underlie ὀρσίμαχος (§ 6). The comparative evidence allows to state that the three collocations, of which [rouse, awake – evil] reflects a marked phraseological pattern, are well attested in different ancient IE languages and may therefore be tentatively assumed to reflect elements of inherited “Dichtersprache” in spite of being expressed by terms not etymologically connected.
8. Τhe compound ἐγρεκύδοιμος ‘she who rouses/awakes the din’ (with second member κύδοιμος ‘din (of battle), uproar, hubbub’ Hom.+) [44] is a part of the description of Athena’s nature in Hesiod’s Theogony:

Th.924-6 αὐτὸς δ’ ἐκ κεφαλῆς γλαυκώπιδα γείνατ’ Ἀθήνην,
δεινὴν ἐγρεκύδοιμον ἀγέστρατον ἀτρυτώνην,
πότνιαν, ᾗ κέλαδοί τε ἅδον πόλεμοί τε μάχαι τε
‘… terrible, battle-rouser, army-leader, indefatigable, who delights in din and wars and battles’
The sense of ἐγρεκύδοιμος was clear to the Greek glossists, cf. ἐγρεκύδοιμον · τουτέστι τὴν θόρυβον ἐγείρουσαν (Hsch.). Athena is referred to as such also in Lamprocles fr.1.3 Παλλάδα περσέπολιν δεινὰν θεὸν ἐγρεκύδοιμον, and in late authors, τὰν ἐγρεκύδοιμον Ἀθάναν (Luc. tragpod.98), ἐγρεκύδοιμον ἀταρβέα Τριτογένειαν (Orph.Lith.586), παρθένος ἐγρεκύδοιμος (Nonn.5.95), κούρη δ’ ἐγρεκύδοιμος …Παλλάς 36.21). She shares the epithet ἐγρεκύδοιμος (like πολεμόκλονος, §9) with Ares (Nonn. 33.156 Ἄρης ἐγρεκύδοιμος ἔχων συνάεθλον Ἐνυώ, 43.3 ἐγρεκύδοιμος Ἄρης …), who is directly associated to a personified Κύδοιμος and to other evil warrior deities, [45] and with Eris (Q.S. 1.180 ἢ Ἔρις ἐγρεκύδοιμος). All this obviously points to Athena’s warlike nature.
The structure of ἐγρε-κύδοιμος is fully parallel to that of ἐγρέ-μαχος, and both reflect pragmatically the same state of affairs, as κυδοιμός refers to the ‘din, uproar’ of battle, with which it is identified. Οne point may be retained: κυδοιμός is not attested actually as the object of ἐγείρο/ε-, but occurs as the οbject of ὀρσα- (with precisely Athena as the agent, also with Zeus Il. 11.53-4 ἐν δὲ κύδοιμον / ὦρσε κακὸν Κρονίδης), and with med. ὦρτο in Homer, see

Il.18.217-8                …, ἀπάτερθε δὲ Παλλὰς Ἀθήνη
φθέγξατ’· ἀτὰρ Τρώεσσιν ἐν ἄσπετον ὦρσε κυδοιμόν
‘… and from afar Pallas Athene called out and raised among the Trojans unspeakable confusion’.
Il.10.523 Τρώων δὲ κλαγγή τε καὶ ἄσπετος ὦρτο κυδοιμός / θυνόντων ἄμυδις ‘and from the Trojans arose a clamor and boundless confusion as they rush together’.
Thε construction ὦρσε κυδοιμόν (Athena as agent, also Zeus) reflects the existence of a collocation [raise – din, uproar], which is also expressed by means of the hapax ὀρσίκτυπος ‘who rises [or rouses] the din’ P. Ol. 10.79-81 ὀρσικτύπου Διóς (cf. κτύπος ὦρτο Il. 20.66, Laura Massetti p.c), [46] and coexists with [rouse – din, uproar], underlying (Athena) ἐγρεκύδοιμος. The battle is conceived of as an uproar, or din, or turmoil, which is referred to as raised up or as awakened, and implies an agitated motion, like ὀρίνο/ε-. This is evident also in Athena’s epithet πολεμόκλονος (§8). All this leads to assume that the collocation underlying Athena ἐγρε-κύδοιμος, namely [rouse – din, uproar] is metaphorically marked as against [raise – din, uproar] (ὦρσε κυδοιμόν).
9. The epithet πολεμόκλονος, actually a possessive compound ‘(she) of the turmoil of war’ (πολέμοιο κλόνος), refers to Athena in

Batr. 275 Ἅρπαξ ἐν βατράχοισιν ἀμείβεται· ἀλλὰ τάχιστα
Παλλάδα πέμψωμεν πολεμόκλονον ἢ καὶ Ἄρηα,
οἵ μιν ἐπισχήσουσι μάχης κρατερόν περ ἐόντα.
‘let us send Pallas, the one of the turmoil of war, or even Ares, to stop him fighting, doughty though he is’

as well as to Ares in the same poem (πολεμόκλονον ἔργον Ἄρηος Batr. 4). [47]

The epithet describes the goddess as the one who puts in motion the turmoil of war. Given that a verb is not explicitly expressed, whether this is a motion of raising (ὄρνυ-), or of stirring up (ὀρίνο/ε-), or οf rousing up (ἐγείρει) is not specified by the epithet itself. The close association of κλόνος (and denominative κλονέεσθαι) with ὀρίνο/ε- in reference to fighting warriors, for instance

Il. 14.14-5 τοὺς μὲν ὀρινομένους, τοὺς δὲ κλονέοντας ὄπισθε / Τρῶας ὑπερθύμους (= Il. 15.7-8)
‘the Achaeans in agitation, and the Trojans behind harrying them in confusion’
Il. 14.59 ὁπποτέρωθεν Ἀχαιοὶ ὀρινόμενοι κλονέονται,
‘from which side the Achaeans, being in agitation, are driven into confusion’

speaks, in my opinion, in favor of an Athena who whirls up the war.

10. Let us now turn to some cultic epithets of Athena attested in different regions, namely Ἀλέα, Ἀρεία, and Thessalian Θέρσυς (or Θερσύς), and Λαγ[έ]ταρρα or Λαγ[εί]ταρρα (better Λαι[σ]ταρρα).
Ἀλέα is an epithet of Athana in Arcadia (Paus. 8.9.7 et al.), Laconia (Paus. 3.5.6) and Corinth (Paus.3.19.7). Moreover, in Arcadia it is the name of a local goddess who melded with Athena: Ἀλέα underlies the name of the tribe Ἐπαλέα and that of the Ἀλεαῖα contests (Paus. 8.47.4 καὶ ἄγουσιν ἀγῶνας … , Ἀλεαῖα ὀνομάζοντες ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς). On the other hand, Ἀλέα is the name of a small city in the northeastern part of the region (Tegea: ιν Αλεαι IG 5:2, 3.5, κατ᾿Αλεαν 3.24 4th C). [48] The name of the goddess (and the tribe) and the city is, at least synchronically, the same, but whether the city has given the name to the goddess or vice versa must remain open at this point.
As a divine name, Ἀλέα is attested (a) without mention of Athana, i.e. presumably as a local divinity (Arcadian inscriptions, Xenophon), (b) as Ἀλέα Ἀθήνη (Ηerodotus, Menander, Strabo) and (c) as Ἀθήνη Ἀλέα (Pausanias).
On (a): dat. hAλεαι IG 5.2:75 (Tegea, a.520-500; on the aspiration, s.below), acc. Αλεαν IG 262.i 11 ([ϝō]φλε̄ασι οιδε ιν Αλεαν ‘are debitors to Alea the following ones …’; Xen. Hell. 6.5.27 ἐν τῷ τῆς Ἀλέας ἱερῷ). The theonym underlies the tribe-name (gen.) Eπαλεας IG 271.1 (Mantinea, mid. 4th C, together with four other tribe-names). [49]
On (b): Ἀλέα Ἀθηνᾶ, Ἀλέα Ἀθηναίη, cf. Hdt. 1.66 … ἐν Τεγέῃ, περὶ τὸν νηὸν τῆς Ἀλέης Ἀθηναίης (also 9.70) , Men. fr. 967 Ἀλέας Ἀθηνᾶς, Str.8.8.2 Τεγέα δ’ ἔτι μετρίως συμμένει καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς Ἀλέας Ἀθηνᾶς).
On (c): the word order Ἀθηνᾶ Ἀλέα occurs only in Pausanias, among others 8.23.1 μετὰ δὲ Στύμφαλόν ἐστιν Ἀλέα, … , Ἄλεον [50] δὲ τὸν Ἀφείδαντος γενέσθαι σφίσιν ἀποφαίνουσιν οἰκιστήν. θεῶν δὲ ἱερὰ αὐτόθι Ἀρτέμιδός ἐστιν Ἐφεσίας καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς Ἀλέας, … The parallelism Ἀρτέμιδός ἐστιν Ἐφεσίας καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς Ἀλέας suggests that Ἀλέα is used as an epithet, not as a name proper.
It seems clear that Ἀλέα is the name of a deity of Arcadia in the Archaic period, who was linked to a polis of the same name, and that she was absorbed by Athena (and occurs as an epithet of hers). The original form of Ἀλέα and eventually its meaning remain open questions.
The original form of Ἀλέᾱ may a priori be *Aleā- or *Aleu̯ā-. [51] The latter cannot be assumed nor ruled out on the strength of epigraphical evidence. The text of IG 75 (Χρομ]ιος ℎαλεαι μ’ ανε[θε̄κεν] /α]ϝεθλα …), where ℎαλεαι and α]ϝεθλα stand side by side, seems to speak against the possibility of *Aleu̯ā-, but the possibility that α]ϝεθλα is a conservative spelling as against a “phonetic” spelling <hΑλεαι> cannot be ruled out. [52] In other inscriptions the notation of <ϝ> is not consistent, so that <Αλεα> may conceal both *Aleā– as *Aleu̯ā-: in IG 262.i (Mantinea, 5th C) Αλεαν i.1 cooccurs with ιλαον i.22, Αντιλαιδας i.11 (: *si-slā-u̯o– ‘propitious’, °lāu̯-idā-), [53] and in IG 3 (Tegea, 4thC in) the place name (ιν Αλεαι .5, κατ᾿Αλεαν. 24) stands beside οις .2 ‘sheeps’ (acc.pl. *οu̯i-ns). On the assumption that both *Aléā- and *Aléā- may be the basic form of both the theonym and of the place-name, three possibilities may be taken into account, namely:

  1. The goddess-name and the epithet of Athena, as well as the place-name, are Greek.
  2. The goddess-name and the epithet of Athena, as well as the place-name, are non-Greek.
  3. The goddess-name and the epithet of Athena are Greek; the place-name is not.
Within the framework of (1) Ἀλέᾱ may be understood as the individualization of the substantive ἀλέᾱ ‘protection’ (*aléu̯ā-) or its alleged homonym ‘heat, warmth’. [54] Contrarily, in the framework of (2) no etymology may be proposed, and the same applies in that of (3) to the place-name Ἀλέᾱ. This probably belongs to the same type as Τεγέα, Ἀσέα, Μαντινέα (all precisely in Arcadia), Νεμέα, and those in –(C)e-wa in Mycenaean Pylos, which may be, at least in part, non-Greek. [55] Anyway, a secondary adaptation of the non-Greek word to Greek, i.e. a re-etymologisation as ἀλέᾱ (s.below) is perfectly conceivable. This leads us to the difficult question of the etymology of ἀλέᾱ (: Ἀλέᾱ?). [56]
The theonym Ἀλέα may reflect the substantive ἀλέᾱ (Ion. ἀλέη) ‘protection’, which, as convincingly argued for by J.Jouanna (1983), has been lexicalized as (i) ‘avoiding, escape’ (: protection against death, or evil, like ἀλεωρή ‘id.’), the currently accepted meaning, as well as (ii) ‘warmth, heat’ (: protection against the weather, or against cold), both attested since Homer. The twofold lexicalisation of the term is perfectly reflected in the Hesychian gloss ἀλέη · ἄλυξις, ὅ ἐστιν ἔκκλισις (Χ 300) ἢ θερμασία (ρ 23). As to (i) cf. Il. 22.301 (speaks Hector) νῦν δὲ δὴ ἐγγύθι μοι θάνατος κακός, οὐδ’ ἔτ’ ἄνευθεν, / οὐδ’ ἀλέη· … ‘now surely is evil death near at hand, and no more far from me, nor is there a way out’ (*protection), Ιl. 24.216 ἑσταότ’ οὔτε φόβου μεμνημένον οὔτ’ ἀλεωρῆς ‘standing, with no thought of shelter or flight’). As to (ii) cf. Hes.Op.544-5 δέρματα συρράπτειν νεύρῳ βοός, ὄφρ’ ἐπὶ νώτῳ / ὑετοῦ ἀμφιβάλῃ ἀλέην ‘Stitch the skins (of newly born kids) together with the sinew of an ox, so that you can put it around as protection against the rain’, Od. 17.23 …αὐτίκ’ ἐπεί κε πυρὸς θερέω ἀλέη τε γένηται ‘… as soon as I have warmed myself at the fire and there is protection’.
That Athena could be referred to as the personification of ‘protection’ [57] fits perfectly into her activity as a warlike goddess as is evident in Il. 4.389-90 …, πάντα δ’ ἐνίκα / ῥηϊδίως· τοίη οἱ ἐπίρροθος ἦεν Ἀθήνη ‘and in every (feat of strength) defeated them; such a helper (ἐπίρροθος) was Athene to him’ (also Il. 23.770 κλῦθι θεά, ἀγαθή μοι ἐπίρροθος ἐλθὲ ποδοῖιν), Il. 5.256 ἀντίον εἶμ’ αὐτῶν· τρεῖν μ’ οὐκ ἐᾷ Παλλὰς Ἀθήνη ‘I will go to face them; Pallas Athene does no allow me to quake’.
When an abstract as ἀλεή or an appellative is used as a god-name or a cultic epithet of a major divinity, one may assume that the deity is identified with it, e.g. in Arcadian Zeus Κεραυνός (Mantinea) or Zeus Στóρπᾱς (gen. Διος Στορπαō IG 5:2. 64.13, Tegea, 5th C), cf. κέραυνος ‘thunderbolt’ and στορπά ‘lightening’ (like στροπά, a variant of ἀστραπή, (ἀ)στεροπή) respectively. A parallel to Ἀλέα Ἀθάνα is precisely Νίκη Ἀθήνη, as a cultic by-name in Attica (Paus. 1.42.4 καὶ ἕτερον ἐνταῦθα ἱερὸν Ἀθηνᾶς πεποίηται καλουμένης Νίκης), and a literary epithet in E.Ion.1528-9 μὰ τὴν παρασππίζουσαν ἅρμασίν ποτε /Νίκην Ἀθηνᾶν ‘by Athena Nike, who once raised her shield against the giants, in her chariot beside Zeus!’ (also Παλλάδι Νικαίῃ Νonn. 37.623 et al.). [58]
11. An Athena Ἀρεία is attested in inscriptions of several regions, among others Arcadia, Athens, Creta and Phocis (also Smyrna and Tenos), and mentioned by Pausanias as a local goddess, to which an altar is dedicated in Attica (1.28.5), and Plataia in Boeotia (9.4.1).
Especially interesting is its occurrence in a decree of synoecism between Orchomenos and the Euaimians (ΙG 343, Orchomenos, 360-50), [59] where the goddess is attested 4 times (ταν Αθαναν ταν Αρειαν 2x, ταν Αρηαν 2x), preceded by Zeus Ares (τον Δια τον Αρηα) and followed by Enyalos Ares (Ινυαλον τον Αρηα) in an oath formula that appears recurrently in the text,

62… προς τας συνθε-
[σ]ις, νει τον Δια τον Α̣ρ[η
α̣, νει ταν Αθαναν̣ τ̣
α̣ν Αρειαν, νει τον [Ι]
ν̣υαλιον τον Αρηα̣ …

and, with ου instead of νει

88          … ου τον Δια τον Α[ρ]
ηα̣, ου ταν Αθαναν̣
90          [τ]α̣ν Αρηαν, ου τον Ιν̣
υ̣αλιον τον Αρηα̣ vac.

The adjective Ἀρεία (Αρειαν.64-5, .70-2) is the regular outcome of *Aresi̯ā-, whereas Αρηαν (.83-4, .89-90) is due to the analogy with masculine Aρηα (acc. *Arēu̯-m̥, cf. Hom. Ἄρηα, also once Ἄρη Il. 5.909), which, being a theonym itself, performs the function of an epiclesis of Zeus [60] and of warlike Enyalios. [61] The connection of Athena and Enyalios is more than evident in a Pindaric dithyramb dedicated to the Thebans which has been studied by Calvert Watkins (2001; Laura Massetti, p.c.)

Pi. fr. 70b.15–18 (= Dith. 2)
ἐν δ’ ὁ παγκρατὴς κεραυνὸς ἀμπνέων
πῦρ κεκίν̣η̣[ται τό τ’] Ἐνυαλίου
ἔγχος, ἀλκάεσσά [τ]ε̣ Παλλάδο[ς] αἰγίς
μυρίων φθογγάζεται κλαγγαῖς δρακόντων.
“There too the all-powerful, fire-breathing thunderbolts shaken, as is Enyalius’ spear, and the intrepid aegis of Pallas rings out with the hisses of countless snakes” (Race)
An Athena Ἀρεία is also attested in other regions (Athens, Crete, Delphi, Smyrna, Tenos), [62] always after a mention of Ares, according to a common procedure to provide a god with an epithet based on the preceding god-name. [63] The addition of Ἄρεια to Athena has at first sight a perfect match in Mycenaean Pylos, namely the hapax (dat.) e-ma-a2a-re-ja /hErmāhāi Areiāi/ in the religious tablet PY Tn 316.v.7, on which see below.
Before getting in further details, it must be stressed that Ἀρεία, as an epithet of Athana, can only be a derivative of Ares, and basically means ‘Ares-like’, [64] i.e. ‘who behaves like Ares’: Athana Areia occurs in Orchomenos as a part of a threefold group with Zeus Ἄρης and with Enyalios Ἄρης (a precursor of Ares): that Athena is called or invoked as ‘Ares-like’ perfectly fits into the warlike nature of Athena, which she shares with bellicose Ares. The more than obvious connection of Ἀρείᾱ with Ares rules out the interpretation as ‘better, stronger’, which periodically reappears [65] on the assumption of an adjective ἄρειος, ἀρεία created by reanalysis of neuter ἄρειον (: m.f. ἀρ-είων ‘better, braver’, used as the comparative of ἀγαθός in Classical Greek). The evidence alleged in its support, namely the ntr. ἄρειον in the collocation Hom. τεῖχος ἄρειον (2x), often translated as ‘stronger wall’ (cf. Il. 4.407 παυρότερον λαὸν ἀγαγόνθ’ ὑπὸ τεῖχος ἄρειον ‘when we two had gathered a lesser army beneath an ἄρειον wall’, 15.736 s.below…) is not convincing. On the one hand, Hom. ἀρείων refers to different qualities of body, birth, and fortune, or animals (Il.1.260 +, cf. Hes. Op.207, Pi. N.7.101, …) but never to τεῖχος, πύργος or to any type of militar building. On the other hand, Lesb. ἀρεύ[ιος* fully matches pl. ἀρήϊοι in ἄνδρες ἀρήϊοι (Il. 13.499 …· δύο δ’ ἄνδρες ἀρήϊοι ἔξοχον ἄλλων / Αἰνείας τε καὶ Ἰδομενεὺς ἀτάλαντοι Ἄρηϊ ‘and two men of Ares-like, military valor above all the rest, Aeneas and Idomeneus peers of Ares …’. Finally, ἄρειον τεῖχος matches phraseologically Lit.Lesb. πύργος ἀρεύ[ιος, i.e. a collocation in which the adjective is surely a derivative of the name of Ares: in fact, τεῖχος ἄρειον (4.407, especially15.736) is the epic matrix of πύργος ἀρεύ[ιος, as convincingly argued by O.Longo (1974), cf.

Alc. fr. 112.10 [ἄνδρες γὰρ πόλι]ο̣ς πύργος ἀρεύ[ιος
‘… as men are the Ares-related tower of the city’
Il. 15.735          ἠέ τινάς φαμεν εἶναι ἀοσσητῆρας ὀπίσσω,
ἦέ τι τεῖχος ἄρειον, ὅ κ’ ἀνδράσι λοιγὸν ἀμύναι;
οὐ μέν τι σχεδόν ἐστι πόλις πύργοις ἀραρυῖα,
‘do we perhaps think/say that there are other helpers at our backs, or some stronger wall to ward of ruin from men? In no way is there nearby a city fenced with walls by which we may defend ourselves’
The author demonstrates (Longo 1974:217ff.) that these texts reflect the topos of the propugnaculum ciuitatis: men are the equivalent of a tower or wall against the evil of war (πύργος ἀρεύ[ιος, τεῖχος ἄρειον) for the city (πόλις πύργοις ἀραρυῖα) when there is no other defence or defenders.
In conclusion, Lit.Lesb. ἀρεύ[ιος (πύργος ἀρεύ[ιος) : Hom. pl. ἀρήϊοι (ἄνδρες ἀρήϊοι), as the reflexes of *arēu̯-i̯o-, semantically match Hom. ἄρειον (τεῖχος ἄρειον : *ares-i̯o-): ‘Ares-like, referred to Ares, related to war’. The diversity of the variants reflect alternative forms of a derivative in *-ii̯o- of the GN Ἀρης in its formal variants *Ares-, *Arēu̯-. [66]
12a. Once it has been safely established that Athena Ἀρεία is an Ares-like, warrior goddess in the different regions where she occurs, the sense of Myc. a-re-ja (dative of /Areiās/*:*Ares-i̯ā-, a variant of *Ares-i̯o-) in e-ma-a2a-re-ja PY Tn 316 v.7 remains a tangential question for our purposes. An Ares-like [67] / hErmāhās/* in Mycenaean Greece is conceivable, but this does not necessarily mean that he was warlike: this only finds support in the epithet Πρόμαχος of Hermes in Tanagra (Paus. 9.22.1 ἐν Τανάγρᾳ δὲ … ἐς δὲ τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ τὰ ἱερὰ τοῦ τε Κριοφόρου καὶ ὃν Πρόμαχον καλοῦσι), which is given an ad hoc explanation (9.22.2 … τὸν δὲ Ἑρμῆν λέγουσι τὸν Πρόμαχον Ἐρετριέων ναυσὶν ἐξ Εὐβοίας ἐς τὴν Ταναγραίαν σχόντων τούς τε ἐφήβους ἐξαγαγεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην). It is also possible that the epithet a-re-ja evokes Hermes’s rivality with Ares for the favours of Aphrodite (Il. 8.266-369), or, as proposed by N. Guilleux, the tradition, according to which Hermes saved Ares, [68] who was bound by the Aloads (Il. 5.386-93 (… δῆσαν κρατερῷ ἐνὶ δεσμῷ· / χαλκέῳ δ’ ἐν κεράμῳ δέδετο τρισκαίδεκα μῆνας · / καί νύ κεν ἔνθ’ ἀπόλοιτο Ἄρης ἆτος πολέμοιο, / εἰ μὴ μητρυιὴ περικαλλὴς Ἠερίβοια / Ἑρμέᾳ ἐξήγγειλεν· ὃ δ’ ἐξέκλεψεν Ἄρηα ἤδη τειρόμενον …). [69]
13. Let us turn to two cultic by-names of Athena, attested as (gen.) Θερσυος and (dat.) Λαγ[.]ταρρα, which occur in a decree of distribution of spaces for the sanctuaries in Larisa (2nd C.), published separately by Br. Helly (1970) and by F. Salviat – C. Vatin (1971), with some different readings. What follows relies on Helly’s edition and on a revision (February 2008) he kindly shared with me.
The decree mentions a series of divinities, with their by-names, which may be considered as reflexes of local cults and sanctuaries, among others those of Athana Πατρία (Αθανας Πατ[ρ]ιας .19), [70] Apollo Προμάντας (gen. Απλουνος [Προ]/μαντα .12/3, corresponding to Apollo Πρόμαντις , cf. ὦ παῖ πρόμαντι Λατοῦς E.Ion. 681), and Tεμπείτᾱς (gen. Απλουνος Tεμπειτας .32 ‘dweller in the vale of Tempe’, cf. also Aπλουνι Τεμπειτα in Gyrton), Zeus Ὑπερδέξιος (Διι Υπερδεξιου .12 : ὑπερδέξιος ‘lying above’ Xen.+,‘superior’ Plb.+), and Φόνιος (Διι του Φονιου .38: φόνιος ‘murderous’), [71] Damater Πλουτέα οr Πλουτία (gen.Δαμματερος Πλουτε[α]ς .16 (s. above), and Ennodia Μυκαικά ‘of the tombs’ (gen. Εννοδιας Μυκαικας .28). [72] These epithets are surely a trustworthy document on the cultic by-names of Thessaly, and the same applies to the two forms which will be taken into consideration in what follows.
14. Athena Θερσύς (οr Θέρσυς) occurs in line .24 of the Larisaean decret:

… Αθανας vac. Θερσυος κιουν χαμαι συγχρυλεα … (: “Ἀθήνης Θρασείας κίων χαμαί”
‘… a stele of Athana Thersus, on the earth …’
The genitive Θερσυος points to a nominative in -υς of a –u-stem, which is surprising for the epithet of a goddess. In any case, the epithet cannot be kept apart from θρασύς, θαρσύς ‘bold’, [73] a peculiarity of Athena, who is explicitely referred to as θρασεῖα in Pindar (Nem. 3.50 τὸν ἐθάμβεον Ἄρτεμίς τε καὶ θρασεῖ᾿ Ἀθάνα ‘marveled at him (the Centaur) Artemis and bold Athena’) and as δορυθαρσής in Late poetry (δορυθαρσέα Παλλάδα Ant.Gr.16,170.3, δορυθαρσέα Τριτογένειαν 172.18), and is given a by-name Θρασώ by Lycophron (τὴν κυδωνίαν Θρασώ 936), and as having fearce daring (Il. 21.395 τίπτ’ αὖτ’ ὦ κυνάμυια θεοὺς ἔριδι ξυνελαύνεις /θάρσος ἄητον ἔχουσα, μέγας δέ σε θυμὸς ἀνῆκεν ‘why now again, you dog fly, put you gods to clash with gods in strife, you with your fierce/blown daring, as your great heart sets you on?’
On the other hand, Athena characteristically puts θάρσος and force into the hearts of her favourites, among them Nausicaa, in her encounter with Odysseus: [74]

Od.6.139…· τῇ γὰρ Ἀθήνη / θάρσος ἐνὶ φρεσὶ θῆκε καὶ ἐκ δέος εἵλετο γυίων.
‘for in her heart (of Nausicaa) Athene put courage and took fear from her limbs’

Cf. also Il. 5.1-2 Ἔνθ’ αὖ Τυδεΐδῃ Διομήδεϊ Παλλὰς Ἀθήνη / δῶκε μένος καὶ θάρσος … ‘there to Tydeus’ son Diomedes Pallas Athene granted strength and daring …’. Athena endows strength and daring to Menelaos (Il. 17.569), to Odysseus (Od. 9.381), to Telemachos (Od. 17.569). [75] She shares significantly this activity with Ares in Od. 14.381ἦ μὲν δὴ θάρσος μοι Ἄρης τ’ ἔδοσαν καὶ Ἀθήνη (speaks Odysseus).

Let us turn to the form of gen. Θερσυος (Thess. Aθανας Θερσυος), more precisely to the question how the surprising occurrence of the -u-stem *thérsu- as feminine could be accounted for. Three interpretations are possible: (a) as a motionless adjective θερσύς ‘bold’ (cf. θρασύς, θαρσύς), (b) as a substantive or substantivized adjective θέρσυς ‘boldness’, of the type θῆλυς ‘female’ beside θηλύς ‘feminine’, or even (c) as a truncated form of a compound with θερσυ° (: θρασυ°, of the type θρασύ-μαχος, θρασυ-μέμνων, θρασυ-κάρδιος) or °θέρσης. Of these possibilities, (b) is the less attractive: a sequence [Athana – Boldness], whould raise no major difficulty (like [Athana – victory] cf. §10), but an abstract *θέρσυς in concurrence with regular, widely attested θέρσος can hardly be assumed. Common to (a) and (c) is the amazing absence of a feminine marker: for a goddess by-name, a feminine form in -εῖα (i.e. *θερσεῖα, like θρασεῖα, θαρσεῖα :: masc. θρασύς) would be expected for (a), a short-form in -ώι, -ίς, -ιάς, -εῖα or -έα or the like (Θρασ-ώι, Θρασίς, Θρασεῖα or Θρασέα) for (c): in fact Θαρσώ is mentioned as by-name of Athena (Θαρσὼ δὲ παρά τισιν ἡ Ἀθηνᾶ τιμᾶται) by a Scholiast on Il. 5.1-2 …Παλλὰς Ἀθήνη / δῶκε μένος καὶ θάρσος. [76] In the very same inscription the by-name Πλουτέα* (Δαμματερος Πλουτε[α]ς κιουν .16) may be the feminine form of πλούσιος with anomalous <ε> for <ι> [77] οr a truncated form of a compound with πλουτ(ι)°, namely πλουτι-δότειρα (Οrph. 40.1 … σεμνὴ Δήμητερ, κουροτρόφε, ὀλβιοδῶτι, πλουτοδότειρα θεά, also Γῆ μήτηρ πάντων, Δημήτηρ πλουτοδότειρα an invocation attributed to Orpheus by D.S. 1.12.4). [78]
In my opinion, the possibility (a) is preferable: the –e-vocalism of Θερσύς (or Θέρσυς) may be simply analogical to that of θέρσος. [79] But the problem of the unusual absence of a feminine marker remains stubbornly, and an explanation or, at least some parallels, should be found. This could only be the case with three stems in –u– in the Epic language (ἡδὺς, θῆλυς, πουλύς : πολύς), which may occur with feminine referents, although feminine marked ἡδεῖα, θήλεια, πολλή are regularly attested. [80] They are currently explained as “metrically conditioned”, [81] i.e. as not “sprachwirklich”, although in some Indo-European languages both masculine and feminine are expressed only by the motionless form. This surely applies to Hom. ἡδὺς ἀυτμή, and acc. πουλὺν … ὑγρὴν, whereas epicene θῆλυς is the only form which seems “sprachwirklich” – and inherited, [82] as convincingly argued by Ch. de Lamberterie. [83] Apart from the fact that epicene θῆλυς may be an inherited archaism, its distribution as against feminine-marked θήλεια follows a “règle de redondance” straightforwardly set forth by de Lamberterie: [84] (a) θηλύς is used if the syntagm where it occurs includes a form marked as feminine, as against (b) θήλεια when this is not the case, namely when the adjective refers to an epicene substantive referring to some animal, or to θεός, of feminine sex. On (a) cf. Ἥρη θῆλυς ἐοῦσα δολοφροσύνῃς ἀπάτησεν (Il.19.97), Αἴθη θῆλυς ἐοῦσα·… (23.409), ὥς τέ με κουράων ἀμφήλυθε θῆλυς ἀϋτή (Od.6.122), on (b) cf. ἵπποι … θήλειαι (Il. 20.221-2 et al.), σύες … θήλειαι (Od. 14.15-6) and Il. 8.7 μήτέ τις οὖν θήλεια θεὸς τό γε μήτέ τις ἄρσην.
This rule may apply to Thessalian gen. Αθανας Θερσυος (nom. Θέρσυς or Θερσύς), although the evidence is unique and the situation is not exactly the same as in Homer: a nom. Αθανα Θερσυς* easily fits into the type (a) Ἥρη θῆλυς (ἐοῦσα), Αἴθη θῆλυς (ἐοῦσα): the goddess is feminine, the epithet is there not marked specifically as feminine.
Let us conclude with a short remark on a possible parallel to Thess. Θερσύς, namely the first member */Iskhu-º/ (*/Iskhu-oº/) of the Mycenaean name i-su-ku-wo-do-to /Iskhuo-dotos/ [85] (KN Fh 348.141), most probably a theophoric name [86] ‘given by /Iskhus/’, of the same type as a-wi-to-do-to /a-wisto-doto-/ ‘given by the invisible (: ἄ-ιστος) god’. [87] Myc. /Iskhu°/ may conceal (a) an adjective *ἰσχύς, which lives on as ἰσχυρóς (cf. τοῦτον τὸν ἰσχυρὸν θεὸν Ar. Plut. 946), a synonym of κρατύς, κρατερός or ἴφθιμος, ἐρισθενής), [88] used as the by-name of a divinity, which is referred to as ‘(the one) powerful’, or (b) a noun ἰσχύς ‘strenght, power’, either divinized or simply understood as divine, [89] as is precisely the case with Athena, invoked as σύ τ’, ὦ Διογενὲς φιλόμαχον κράτος / ῥυσίπολις γενοῦ, / Παλλάς (A.Sept. 128-30, cf. §1).
15. In lines 10-11 of the same inscription where gen. Θερσυος occurs, a mention is made of a stele to Athena (in dative), followed by a cultual by-name which cannot be read neatly, and of another to the Charites, both outside the city. For the epithet of Athana two different readings have been proposed, namely ΛAI[.]/ταρρα (i.e. Λαί[σ]/ταρρα, as per Salviat-Vatin 1971:13, 26, 33) and Λαγ[εί]/ταρρα (Helly 1970:251, 262f.). The latter, with a third letter <γ>, seems preferable after a new autopsy of the stone by Br. Helly in February 2008 (p.c.): [90] in what follows the reading will be quoted as Λαγ[..]/ταρρα), under the assumption that [..] could conceal two or even one letter, i.e. both Λαγ[ει]/ταρρα or Λαγ[ε]/ταρρα). The lines 10-11 are thus as follows:

10               και εξου πολιος ποτ ταις θαλαμαις Αθανα Λαγ[..]
ταρρα κιουν και αλλα Χαριτεσσι …
(in Attic version: “καὶ ἔξω πόλεως πρὸς ταῖς θαλάμαις Ἀθήνῃ Λαγ[..]/τρίᾳ) κίων καὶ ἄλλη (ταῖς) Χαρισι”.
The suffix -ταρρα /-tarra-/, [91] common to both possible readings, is the dialectal outcome of *-tºri̯a– (PGk. *-tria), the feminine counterpart of the agent nouns in *-ter– and *-tor– (and –tā-), which occurs under different forms in the dialects (Myc. -ti-ri-ja / -ti-ra2, Epic -τειρα, Lit.Lesb. -τερρα, Att. -τρια). [92] That -ταρρα is the Thessalian form of the suffix is now confirmed by a second attestation, namely Κορουταρρα “celle qui dote de croissance / nourriture”, an epithet of the local goddess Ennodia (Εννοδια Κορουταρρα SEG 51:739, prob. Larisa, 3rd/2nd C), [93] which goes back to PGk. *korō-tri̯a- ‘who makes grow’, or ‘who nourrishes’, more precisely ‘who provides with κóρος’ (‘growth’: *k̂órh1-o-, or ‘food’ *k̂órh3-o-). [94]
Ιt must be stressed that the alleged reading ΛAI[.]/ταρρα, i.e. dat. Λαι[σ]ταρρα “qui saccage ou dispenseuse de butin” (Salviat – Vatin 1971:10f.), could conceal a perfect match of the poetic hapax λῄστειρα ‘robber’ (Aelian), the feminine counterpart of Hom. ληϊστήρ, Att. λῃστής ‘robber’, ‘pirate’, with the same meaning as ληῖτις, an epithet of Athena (Hom. +, Olympia, §4). In other words, should the third letter really be an <ι>, the interpretation would raise no problem.
On the assumption that the form may be read as Λαγ[..]/ταρρα, Br. Helly has interpreted it as Λαγ[εί]/ταρρα, a compound with Λᾱ° (: λαός, *lāu̯o°) and ἡγήτειρα, the feminine counterpart of ἁγήτωρ ‘commander, chief, guide’ (: ἡγέομαι ‘lead, conduct, guide’): “l’appellation … conviendrait bien à Athéna, la déesse guerrière, conductrice des armés, ἀγέστρατος”. [95] The interpretation of the epithet as ‘(she) who guides the λαός’ would raise no major difficulty in view of the existence of the derivatives of ἡγέομαι as feminine ἡγήτειρα (also with προ°, καθ°) in late poets (Opp. Hal. 1.253, 1.665, 4.61, προηγήτειρα A.R.3.1182+) and masculine ἡγήτωρ ‘id.’ since Homer (Τρώων ἡγήτωρ Ιl. 3.153, ἡγήτορες ἠδὲ μέδοντες 2.79 …, Terp. fr. 2.1 Ζεῦ πάντων ἀρχά, πάντων ἁγήτωρ, cf. also the gloss ἁγήτωρ · ὁ τῶν Ἀφροδίτης θυηλῶν ἡγούμενος ἱερεὺς ἐν Κύπρῳ), as well as ἡγητήρ (ἁγητὴρ ἀνήρ P.P.1.69,+) and ἡγητής (Α. Supp. 239 νόσφιν ἡγητῶν). However, there is no conclusive evidence for the occurrence of ἡγήτειρα or of ἡγήτωρ, ἡγητήρ or ἡγητής as the second member of a rectional compound. The only occurrence of ἡγήτειρα ‘guide’ as an epithet of Pallas (Call. Hec.253.2 Παλλὰς] δὲ καθηγήτειρα κελεύθου) is actually not a governing compound of a type with first member as the object of the verb underlying the second member.
It is certainly preferable to assume that the second member of Thess. Λαγ[..]/ταρρα (or Λαγ[.]/ταρρα) is *°agetr̥i̯a- (namely *°āgetria-, with Wackernagel’s lengthening), i.e. an agent noun of ἄγω ‘lead’ [96] : *lāu̯-āgētr̥i̯a- is thus the feminine counterpart of (non attested) *lāu̯āgeter- ‘who leads the lāu̯ο-’ and its continuant *lāu̯āgetā- ‘id.’ (cf. Il.10.79 λαὸν ἄγων and the gloss λαγέτης · ἡγεμὼν ὄχλον συναγαγών Hsch.). The form is well attested: Dor. λᾱγέτας (Pind.) [97] , MN Λᾱγέτας (Thasos, Pherae et al. 4th C+), MN Ληγέτης (Ionia, 2nd C.) : Myc. ra-wa-ke-ta / lāw-āgetās / (a title in Pylos). The epithet is in turn a formal continuant of an agentive *lāu̯-āgo- (Λᾶγoς Macedonia, 4th C+), just like κυνηγέτης ‘hound-leader’ (Ηοm.) : κυνᾱγέτᾱς (Pi.) : Myc. ku-na-ke-ta-i dat. /kunāgetahi/ continue κυνηγός (Arist.+) : Dor. κυνᾱγός.
Whether the Thessalian form is to be read as λαγ[ε]ταρρα, as the equivalent of a non attested *λᾱγέτρια or Lesb. *λᾱγέτερρα, or as λαγ[ει]ταρρα, [98] must remain uncertain. The bulk of the evidence speaks for /e/, but an °āgētr̥i̯a- (with long /ē/) is also possible, in view of Ἀγήτωρ, an epithet of Zeus in Laconia (Xen. Lac. 13.2 θύει … Διὶ Ἀγήτορι καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ) [99] and of Hermes in Arcadia (Paus.8.31.7) and the gloss ἀγήτωρ· ἄρχων (Hsch.).
The interpretation Thessalian Λαγ[έ]/ταρρα or Λαγ[εί]/ταρρα as ‘(she) who drives, leads the λαός’ is definitively supported by the existence of a collocation [drive – army] (cf. Il. 2.580 … πολὺ δὲ ἄγε λαoύς #, 10.79 # λαὸv ἄγωv …, et al.) which underlies the compound names mentioned above, and others of different structure, among others Ἀγέλαoς (Hom.+) [100] and Ἀγησίλαος (Xen.). That Athena is referred to as a leader of the army perfectly fits into the warlike nature of the goddess, as reflected by some of her epithets in poetry, [101] especially the exact synonym ἀγέστρατος in Hesiod (Th. 925):

Hsd. Th. 925-6 (Ἀθήνην, /) δεινὴν ἐγρεκύδοιμον ἀγέστρατον ἀτρυτώνην,
πότνιαν, ᾗ κέλαδοί τε ἅδον πόλεμοί τε μάχαι τε·’
‘… terrible, who awakes the din of battle, who leads the army, indefatigable, mistress, who delights in clamours, and wars and battles’
In fact, Athena leads (ἦρχε, interchangeable with *ἦγε), like Ares, two groups of warriors which have been arming for fight as presented in Achilles’ shield: Il. 18.509-10 … δύω στρατοὶ ἥατο λαῶν / τεύχεσι λαμπόμενοι· … 516 οἳ δ’ ἴσαν· ἦρχε δ’ ἄρά σφιν Ἄρης καὶ Παλλὰς Ἀθήνη ‘they were going out; and Ares and Pallas Athena lead them’.
16. The present contribution has tried to show that Athena’s complex nature, particularly as a city-goddess and as a war goddess, is reflected in a series of poetic and / or cultic epithets and by-names, attested throughout of the history of Greece both in literary and epigraphical sources. Some of them are poetic and reflect phraseological patterns, and occur already in the epic, others are attested in inscriptions from different regions, and eventually in literary and historiographical sources.
Particular attention has been paid, in a necessarily arbitrary choice, to some epithets that evoke the warlike character of Athena (also as a defender). On the one hand, four poetic epithets, namely ὀρσίμαχος ‘who raises’ or ‘stirs up the fight’ (Bacch.), ἐγρεμάχη ‘who awakes’ the fight’ (HHCer.), ἐγρεκύδοιμος ‘who wakes the din of war’ (Hsd.), and πολεμόκλονος ‘(she) of the turmoil of war’ (Batr.). On the other hand, four cultic by-names attested epigraphically, namely Ἀλέα, as the individualisation of ‘protection’ (: ἀλέᾱ), and Ἀρεία ‘Ares-like’ (Arcadia, other regions), as well as Θέρσυς (or Θερσύς) ‘bold’, or the individualization of boldness and courage, and Λαγ[..]ταρρα ‘(she) who drives, leads the λαός’ (: λᾱγήτρια*), which occur in an inscription from Larisa (Thessaly) in Hellenistic times. It is not overly optimistic to assume that in the future new inscriptions will provide new epigraphic material that reflects peculiarities in the nature of Athena.

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Footnotes

[ back ] * This article has been written in the framework of the Research Project FFI2016-79906-P “Estudio diacrónico de las instituciones socio-políticas de la Grecia antigua y de sus manifestaciones míticas” (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona) / Agencia Estatal de Investigación (AEI, Espan͂a), Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER). The final version has benefited from the comments of Riccardo Ginevra and Antonietta Porro (Milano, Università Cattolica), Laura Massetti (Oxford), Matilde Serangeli (Jena) and Ana Vegas Sansalvador (Köln). It is a pleasant duty to express my gratitude to all of them.
[ back ] 1. Frame 2009:395-6, with n.88 (with reference to Il. 5.733-742).
[ back ] 2. Frame 2009:459f., with n.229. On the maternal peculiarities of Athena cf. Nilsson 1967:346f., also Pötscher 1988:169 with references to earlier research).
[ back ] 3. Cf. Nilsson 1955:308; Pötscher 1987:175 (“Tradition der Palastgöttin und späteren Burggöttin”).
[ back ] 4. Frame 2009:480ff., 482.
[ back ] 5. Cf. also Ar. Th. 317-9 καὶ σύ, παγκρατὲς κόρα γλαυκ/ῶπι χρυσόλογχε πόλιν οἰ/κοῦσα περιμάχητον, ἐλθὲ δεῦρο ‘and thou, o almight virgin, Pallas, with the eyes of azure and the spear of gold, who protectest our illustrious city, come hither’, Nub. 60-1 ἥ τ’ ἐπιχώριος ἡμετέρα θεὸς /αἰγίδος ἡνίοχος, πολιοῦχος Ἀθάνα. [ back ]
[ back ] 6. Chadwick 1998:194, Boëlle 2004:68-9, García Ramón 2011:235.
[ back ] 7. Aliter Chadwick 2011:194; Hiller 2011:205 (her “appearance at Cnossos may have something to do with some historical event …’. In the framework of a cumulative review of rather extravagant attempts by several authors to explain Myc. a-ta-na po-ti-ni-ja, Pötscher (1987:161-168) translates it “Herrin Athana” (163), in light of a sequence in Linear A, which he reads without major difficulty, namely (j)a-ta-no (and ta-na-no “was vielleicht doch als Metathesis verstanden warden kann”: sic!) … (j)a-sa-sa-ra, where (j)a-sa-sa-ra should be identified with Hitt. a-ššara- ‘Mistress, Queen’. All this makes any discussion impossible.
[ back ] 8. A different meaning is that of παλλακίς ‘concubine’ (Hom.,late poetry) as against ἄκοιτις ‘lawful wife’ (Il. 9.449, ὠνητὴ … μήτηρ παλλακίς Od. 14.203).
[ back ] 9. Cf. Eust. Comm. ad Od. 1, p. 61, πόθεν δὲ ἡ Παλλάς, καὶ ὅτι οὐ μόνον πάλλας, ὁ νέος, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάλλαξ ἐξ οὗ καὶ παλλακὴ, καὶ παλλάκια δὲ κατὰ Αἴλιον Διονύσιον οὐ παλλήκια οἱ παῖδες, ἔστιν εὑρεῖν παρὰ τοῖς παλαιοῖς οἳ καὶ δικαστήριον ἱστοροῦσιν Ἀθήνῃσιν ἐπώνυμον τῆς Παλλάδος.
[ back ] 10. Cf. also P.Crat.406d-407a “Παλλάδα” που αὐτὴν καλοῦμεν … Τοῦτο μὲν τοίνυν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ὀρχήσεως … · τὸ γάρ που ἢ αὑτὸν ἤ τι ἄλλο μετεωρίζειν ἢ ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς ἢ ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν “πάλλειν” τε καὶ “πάλλεσθαι” καὶ ὀρχεῖν καὶ ὀρχεῖσθαι καλοῦμεν.
[ back ] 11. A derivative in -άδ- may have an –ā-stem as its basis, cf. Hom. ληιάς ‘captive’ :: ληίη ‘booty’ (Rau 2004:8f.), but nominal derivatives of πάλλειν usually have no geminate (‘(shaken) lot’, ἄμπαλος ‘fresh casting’).
[ back ] 12. Actually a nomen agentis *po-plh1-ó- “la schiera che brandisce (le armi)” (Rix 1997:82), cf. pilumnoe poploe ‘fighters with javelin’ in the Carmen Saliare Fest. 224L).
[ back ] 13. Cf., among others, HMerc.100-1 δῖα Σελήνη / Πάλλαντος θυγάτηρ, Bacch. epigr. 1.1. Κούρα Πάλλαντος πολυώνυμε, πότνια Νίκα.
[ back ] 14. The conception lives on in Latin, cf. Cic. de leg. 2.42 Minerua custos urbis.
[ back ] 15. On the Thessalian Athana Ἀγοραία cf. Helly 1970:258, on her Laconian counterpart cf. Wide 1893:7, 54-5.
[ back ] 16. On the epithet cf. Wide 1893:61 and, especially, Serangeli 2016, with reference to phraseological parallels, among others in late Greek (Fl.Gius. 2.471 περιέρχεται δ’ αὐτὸν ἀξία ποινὴ τοῦ συγγενικοῦ φόνου).
[ back ] 17. Cf. the discussion by Frame 2009:484n.285; 485n.287.
[ back ] 18. The same meaning has been stated e Graeco ipso for synonymous ἐπίηρος cf. the glosses ἐπίηρα · τὴν μετ’ ἐπικουρίας χάριν μεγάλην (ad Il. 1.572), ἐπίηρος · βοηθός. χάριν ἀποδιδούς (Hsch.).
[ back ] 19. Frame 2009:367-8n.50; Pötscher 1987:174-5.
[ back ] 20. Hitt. Malii̯a-, Lyc. Malija have been persuasively interpreted by Serangeli 2016 as a substantivated adjective *mol-i̯o/i̯ā *‘having intelligence / though’ from a root-noun *mol-/mel– ‘thought, thinking’ (cfr. Hitt. māl-, CunLuv. mālī- with reference to the semantic match with Lat. Minerva (*ménes-u̯ā-, cf. Ved. manasvín– ‘intelligent’ as per Rix 1981:111–122). For references and bibliography on malija cf. Neumann, Glossar s.v., Melchert 2004 s.v. The theonym occurs in Hittite (Malii̯a-), also as place-name (Malii̯ašša, mount Malimalii̯a).
[ back ] 21. Cf. Hipponax frg. 401 {Ἀθηνᾶ} Μαλὶς †κονισκε, καί με δεσπότ<εω> βεβροῦ / λαχόντα λίσσομαί σε μὴ ῥαπίζεσθαι.
[ back ] 22. Also of Zeus (A.Sept.255,… παγκρατεῖς ἕδρας,…), of Apollo (E.Rhes.231)
[ back ] 23. In Homer epithet of ἀλκή (Il. 7.164, Od.4.527, …) also of ἀσπίς (11.32) and of αἰγίς (15.308), cf. masculine θοῦρος as epithet of Ares (15.127 et al.)
[ back ] 24. Cf. also Procl. Hymn 7.1-4 Κλῦθί μευ, αἰγιόχοιο Διὸς τέκος, ἡ γενετῆρος / πηγῆς ἐκπροθοροῦσα καὶ ἀκροτάτης ἀπὸ σειρῆς· / ἀρσενόθυμε, φέρασπι, μεγασθενές, ὀβριμοπάτρη, / Παλλάς, Τριτογένεια, δορυσσόε, χρυσεοπήληξ, / κέκλυθι· …
[ back ] 25. The compound is possesive with locatival first member, i.e. “Blitz in der Lanze habend” (Massetti 2016:45n.133, with reference to the Pindaric hapax ἐγχείβρομος “Donner in der Lanze habend”).
[ back ] 26. Paus. 5.14.5 (.4 καθ’ ἥντινα Ἠλεῖοι θύειν ἐπὶ τῶν βωμῶν νομίζουσι. θύουσι δὲ …) τέταρτα καὶ πέμπτα Ἀρτέμιδι θύουσι καὶ Ληίτιδι Ἀθηνᾷ.
[ back ] 27. Massetti 2016:78-9, with reference to Vedic comparanda with cyav (: σεύο/ε-) and nár- ‘man’, kr̥ṣṭí- ‘folk’ as the object (RV 10.50.4c, 7.19.1b).
[ back ] 28. Also with Eris (Il.17.398, 20.48) and Apollo (Il. 20.79).
[ back ] 29. Orph.H.32.9 Γοργοφόνη, φυγόλεκτρε, τεχνῶν μῆτερ πολύολβε, / ὁρμάστειρα (codd. ὁρμήτειρα), φίλοιστρε κακοῖς, ἀγαθοῖς δὲ φρόνησις· / ἄρσην μὲν καὶ θῆλυς ἔφυς
[ back ] 30. Also of other gods (Ἠρακλῆς Paus.9.11.4, Ἐρμῆς 9.22.2).
[ back ] 31. The etymology of ὀρίνο/ε- is irrelevant at this point: it is currently traced back to *h3rei̯H- “wallen, wirbeln” (Rix 1965:29ff., LIV2 s.v.), and connected with Ved. riṇā́-ti ‘to flow’, Goth. rinnan ‘to run’ in spite of the difference of meaning.
[ back ] 32. Both verbs share collocations with γόος ‘weeping, lament’ and with ὀρυμαγδός ‘loud noise, din’, cf. (a) Od.17.46 … μή μοι γόον ὄρνυθι μηδέ μοι ἦτορ / ἐν στήθεσσιν ὄρινε ‘… do not make my weeping rise (μή … ὄρνυθι), nor agitate (ὄρινε) my heart in my breast …’ beside (b) Il. 24.760 γόον δ’ ἀλίαστον ὄρινε ‘… and roused endless weeping’, and (a) Il. 2.810 … πολὺς δ’ ὀρυμαγδὸς ὀρώρει ‘a great din was arosen’ beside (b) … πολὺν δ᾿ ὀρυμαγδὸν ὄρινε Il. 21.313 [: 24.760] ‘and stir up a great din …’.
[ back ] 33. Lat. orīrī and Ved. ar / are surely to be traced back to *h3er- ‘rise up’.
[ back ] 34. Cf. also Verg. Aen. 8.637 addiderat subitoque nouum consurgere bellum Romulidis Tatioque seni Curibusque seueris ‘he had added that a new war had suddenly arisen between the Romulids and the old Tatius and the strict men of Cures’.
[ back ] 35. According to Ginevra 2018:94 the same collocation underlies the Walkyria’s names Skǫgul (Vsp. 306, Grm. 36) and Geir-skǫgul (Vsp. 308), as the outcomes of PGm. *skag-ula/ō- ‘who raises, emerges’, a derivative of *skag-ō- (cf. OIc. skaga ‘rise, emerge’), with military connotation, as it happens with other Walkyria’s names (e.g. Gunnr ‘battle’, Hildr ‘id.’).
[ back ] 36. Hitt. arai– / arii̯a- may belong to *h3er- on the assumption that ar- reflects a zero grade *h3r̥- (*h3r̥-i̯o/e- or PAnat. *h3r̥-oi̯/i-) or a deletion of laryngeal in a De Saussure’s context *h3or-) may remain open at this point.
[ back ] 37. Frequentative citāre actually reflects the meaning of ciēre (originally a causative *koi̯-éi̯o/e- ‘put in violent motion’) which matches the collocations of Gk. κινέο/ε- ‘agitate’.
[ back ] 38. Cf. also quantam … molem excitarit belli Paris (Acc. trag. 610), magnas excitari … iras Liv. 3.40.5, … multi temere excitati tumultus sunt 26.10.10 et al.).
[ back ] 39. Cf. σὺ δ’ εὐχόμενος Κρονίωνι / Παλλάδι τ’ ἐγρεμάχῃ γλαυκώπιδι καὶ Διὸς υἱῷ / Φοίβῳ (oracle, Diod. Sic. 8.29.1), Παλλάδα τ’ ἐγρεμάχην κούρην (Orph. 17.38).
[ back ] 40. The MN Ἐγειρίχα (Tanagra, 3rd/2nd C.) points to a compound with ἐγειρ(ε)°, i.e. the present stem, which occurs also as the anomalous second member in the MN Κυνέγειρος (Eretria 4th/3th, Eleusis 6th/5th +).
[ back ] 41. The Latin cognate of ἐγείρο/ε- (PIE *h1ĝer-: Ved. jár-a-te, with perf. ἐγρήγορα : Ved. jāgā́ra, YAv. jaγāra), namely expergere ‘to awake’, expergēfacere ‘id.’ beside expergīscī ‘become awake, wake up’, by dissimilation from *°per-gro/e-, *°per-grisco/e-), is not attested in the collocation [wake, rouse – evil].
[ back ] 42. Also Goth. us-wakjan “ἐξυπνίζω”, OSax wekkian, OHG weckan “excitare, suscitare” (Gloss.). Lat. uegēre ‘to vivify, excite’ continues IE causat. *u̯oĝ-éi̯o/e- ‘to make live’ (Ved. vāj-áya-ti ‘id.’ RV +) as against stative uigēre (*u̯°g-ē-) ‘to be strong’ (Watkins 1973:490).
[ back ] 43. This is clear in light of the glosses explaining forms belonging to (or connected with) ὄρνυ-, namely ὄρσο, ὄρσεο · ἐγείρου, ὄρσαι ὀρμῆσαι ἤ ἐγεῖραι … (Hsch.).
[ back ] 44. The epithet κυδοιμός, is usually associated with κυδάζομαι ‘to revile’, although the detail remains obscure. It has recently been explained (Petit 2009) as a tautological compound with *κυδ- ‘rush’ (cf. Ved. cόdati) and οἶμα ‘rush, spring’, of the type κερτομέο/ε- ‘to insult’ (κερ° ‘cut’, °τομ- ‘id.’).
[ back ] 45. Κυδοιμός occurs also in human guise / as a companion of Αres and Enyo (Il. 5.593 ἦρχε δ᾿ἄρα σφιν Ἀρης καὶ πότνι’ Ἐνυώ, / ἣ μὲν ἔχουσα Κυδοιμὸν ἀναιδέα δηϊοτῆτος ‘… ruthless din of war’), of Eris (῾Strife᾿) and of destructive Fate (18.535 ἐν δ’ Ἔρις ἐν δὲ Κυδοιμὸς ὁμίλεον, ἐν δ’ ὀλοὴ Κήρ).
[ back ] 46. Massetti 2014:127-9, 2016:92-3 (κτύπος as non-marked synonym of βροντή ‘thunder’).
[ back ] 47. The epithet refers frequently (but not exclusively) to Athena (Anacr. 55.33 πολεμόκλονόν τ’ Ἀθήνην, Orph. 32.1-2 Παλλὰς μουνογενή<ς> … πολεμόκλονε), as well as to Ares (Orph. 65.3-4 Ἆρες ἄναξ, …, αἵματι ἀνδροφόνῳ χαίρων, πολεμόκλονε, AntGr. 96,3 πολ[εμόκλονον … Ἄρηα).
[ back ] 48. Cf. Nilsson 1967:434, Frame 2009:389, and the overviews by Dubois 1986:2.184f. and Jost 1986:368ff. The ethnic of Ἀλέα is attested as Ἀλεός (also as a man’s name), Ἀλειός, and Ἀλεάτᾱς, -ᾶτις (Dubois 1986:2.185f., with references). The form εν hαλεο[ις in a Delphic list (5th C.), with its hypercorrect <h>, is the dat.pl. of the ethnic, used as a place name, not the reflex a neuter with a “flottement dans le suffixe” (Dubois loc.cit.). The PN Ἀλέα has no connection with Ἁλούς (Arcadia, Paus. 8.25.2), attested in Myc. a2-ru-wo-te /hAlwontei/ or /hAlwontē/ (PY An 657.8), a derivative of ἅλς ‘salt, sea’.
[ back ] 49. The name is the hypostasis of a reference *επ᾿Αλεαν of the same type as επ᾿Αθαναιαν in Tegea (Dubois 1986:2.127). They are attested only in IG 37.54, 40.30, 41.18, but may be assumed in other fragmentary texts.
[ back ] 50. The name of the alleged founder is surely a creation ad hoc by Pausanias, cf. also 8.45.4 Τεγεάταις δὲ Ἀθηνᾶς τῆς Ἀλέας τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἐποίησεν Ἄλεος· χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον κατεσκευάσαντο οἱ Τεγεᾶται τῇ θεῷ ναὸν μέγαν τε καὶ θέας ἄξιον.
[ back ] 51. The initial aspiration of (dat.) hAλεαι IG 75 (Tegea, a.520-500: Dubois 1986:2.12ff.) reflects a hypercorrect spelling, according to current opinion (Dubois 1986:1.48, with reference to some anomalous notations or omissions of aspiration). A similar case is hαν (: ἄν) in ο τι hαν βολε̄τοι “ὅ τι ἂν βούληται” IG 3.9 (Tegea, begin of 4th C), an inscription in which aspiration is not consistently noted (cf. ε̄μισυ .22 beside hε̄μισυ .25).
[ back ] 52. For the data cf. Dubois 1986:1.53ff.,57, cf. e.g. δαμιοϝοργε̄ (Phenos, ca. 500) but Σ]ο̣̄σιλαος (Pallantion, 5th C).
[ back ] 53. The same may apply to Σ]ọ̄[κλ]ε̄ς i.3 (if the restaured form is right) *°kleu̯ēs, and Δ̣ρ̣ομεᾱς i.7 if the suffix is really *-eu̯ā- (García Ramón 2017:38 with references) and not -eā-.
[ back ] 54. The possibility of a connection of ἀλέα ‘heath’, ἀλεόν· θερμὸν ἢ χλιαρόν ‘hot, warm’ (Hsch.) with OE swelan ‘to burn slowly’ “schwellen”, Lith. svìlti intr. ‘to singe’ (*su̯elH-, as per Beekes, EDG s.v.) remains open. In this case the term would not be connected with Athena Alea or with the PN Alea.
[ back ] 55. For different possibilities cf. Ruijgh 1967:165n.347, Ηajnal 1995:215, 219n.296 (/-ēwā-/ or /-ewǎ/), García Ramón 2011:239.
[ back ] 56. For an accumulative, eclectic account of different etymological proposals, cf. Jost 1985:370-5. The possibility of a connection between Ἀλέα and Ἅλιος (: Ἥλιος) on the assumption that the initial aspiration of Arc. hΑλεαι is the phonetic outcome of *su̯- is surely to be ruled out. Jost’s interpretation of Alea as “une puissance cthonienne de la fertilité et de la fécondité”, which becomes “une « protectrice », d’où l’étymologie populaire « Aléa-refuge » makes any discussion impossible. The same applies to her conclusion that these functions “ne sont pas non plus contradictoires avec la notion de chaleur qu’impliquerait le nom d’Aléa. Ce pourrait être en effet par sa chaleur fécondante que la déesse favorisait l’assasiement du marais tégéate…Elle agirait comme ailleurs Hélios, qui féconde et nourrit toutes choses”.
[ back ] 57. Athena is also ready to protect herself and Ares against the wrath of Zeus, cf. Il. 5.34 νῶϊ δὲ χαζώμεσθα, Διὸς δ’ ἀλεώμεθα μῆνιν ‘let us the two of us withdraw, and avoid the wrath of Zeus’.
[ back ] 58. Without mention of Athena cf. Men.Dysc. 968-9 ἡ δ’ εὐπάτειρα φιλόγελώς τε παρθένος / Νίκη μεθ’ ἡμῶν εὐμενὴς ἕποιτ’ ἀεί.
[ back ] 59. Cf. Dubois 1986:2.146ff., also 1.117f. (on the formal variants).
[ back ] 60. The masculine adjective Ἄρειος occurs as epithet in the word-order Ἄρειος Ζεύς, to whom an altar is dedicated in Elis, cf. Paus. 5.14.6 τῷ Ἀλφειῷ … · τοῦ δὲ Ἡφαίστου τὸν βωμόν εἰσιν Ἠλείων οἳ ὀνομάζουσιν Ἀρείου Διός· λέγουσι δὲ οἱ αὐτοὶ οὗτοι καὶ ὡς Οἰνόμαος ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ τούτου θύοι τῷ Ἀρείῳ Διί, …).
[ back ] 61. At the time of the Mycenaean tablets, Enu(w)alios (dat. e-nu-wa-ri-jo /Enuwaliōi/) was still an autonomous god, certainly a bellicose one, who coexisted with (but was not yet absorbed by) Ares. Contrarily in Homer Ἐνυάλιος is sometimes (still) independent (e.g. formular Μηριόνης τ᾿ ἀτάλαντος Ἐνυαλίῳ ἀνδρειφόντῃ # Il. 2.651 et al., ἶσος Ἐνυαλίῳ κορυθάϊκι πτολεμιστῇ 22.132), sometimes a mere epithet of Ares (e.g. … δῦ δέ μιν Ἄρης / δεινὸς ἐνυάλιος Il. 17.210-1 et al.).
[ back ] 62. For Athens cf. SEG 21:519.2-4 (decret of Acharnians, 4thC.) ὅπως ἂν ὁ βω/μὸς οἰκοδομηθῆι τοῦ Ἄρεως καὶ τῆς Ἀθη/νᾶς τῆς Ἀρείας ὡς ἄριστα· (= .7/8). This matches the information by Paus. 1.28.5 ἔστι δὲ Ἄρειος πάγος καλούμενος, ὅτι πρῶτος Ἄρης ἐνταῦθα ἐκρίθη, … κριθῆναι δὲ καὶ ὕστερον Ὀρέστην λέγουσιν ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ τῆς μητρός· καὶ βωμός ἐστιν Ἀθηνᾶς Ἀρείας, ὃν ἀνέθηκεν ἀποφυγὼν τὴν δίκην.
For Delphi cf. IG IX 12 170.a6-7 (a.291?) [σαι δὲ] τὸν ὅρκον ἑκατέρους τόνδε· ὀμνύω Δία, Γῆν, Ἥλιον, Πο/σειδ]ῶ, Ἄρη, Ἀθηνᾶν Ἀρείαν̣, θ[εο]ὺς πάντας καὶ πάσας.
For Latos cf. SEG 16:52 (a.180) [Ὀμν]ύομεν Δί[α Ταλλαῖον καὶ Ἥραν καὶ Ἄρην καὶ /[Ἀθ]ηνᾶν Ἀρείαν κ[αὶ Λατὼ καὶ Ἐλεύθυιαν καὶ τοὺ]/ς ἄλλους θεοὺς π[άντας καὶ πάσας … [ back ] On Tenos s. following note. Smyrna: Ἀθηνᾶ Ἀρεία OGI 229.70 (non uidi).
[ back ] 63. For instance, in Tenos IG XII(5).913 (2nd C.) Διῒ Σωτῆρι, Ἀθάναι Σ[ω]τείραι .9, Ἄρει, Ἀθάναι Ἀρείαι. 12.
[ back ] 64. The epithet Ἄρειος (and Ἀρήιος, formed from the by-form *Arēu̯-), of warriors (Μενέλαος Ἀρήιος Il.3.339, Ἀρήϊοι υἷες Ἀχαιῶν 11.800) and of arms (Ἀρήϊα τεύχεα δύω 6.340), reflects the metaphoric sense ‘war’ of Ἄρης. The connection with the god is evident in Ἄρειος πάγος ‘the hill of Ares’ (Hdt.+) and in Ἄρειον πεδίον : Campus Martius (D.H.).
[ back ] 65. “bonne, solide, efficace” (Chantraine DELG s.v. Ἄρης, Jost 1986:385, also 272-3 (also on Zeus Ares /Areios; eclectic Dubois 1986:2.118 with n.796); or “stronger than before” (Kirk, Comm. I 374 “nothing to do with Ares [sic]”).
[ back ] 66. The Mycenaean form (or forms proper?) may be elucidated in the light of the variants of the god-name attested in Alphabetical Greek, some of them metrically conditioned variants of transmission (García Ramón 2008:332-3): (a) */Ares-/ (nom. a-re? , Hom. Ἄρης, voc. Ἄρες, dat. Ἄρει 2.479), with theophoric MN a-re-i-jo / Arehio-/ (: Ἄρειoς, adj. ἄρειος), Myc. MN a-re-ị-me-ne, a-re-me-ne /Arēhi-menēs/ (: Ἀρειμέvης, cf. Hom. μέvoς Ἄρηoς Il. 18.264), also probably MN a-pi-ja-re[ (KN) /Amphi-arēs/, a-pi-ja-re-jo, pa-na-re-jo (KN, PY), cf. Παvάρης. (b) *Arēu̯– (: Hom. gen. Ἄρηoς/-εος, Ἄρηι, epithet Ἀρήϊος, Lit. Aeol. ἀρεύϊoς), cf. ἀρήια · πολεμιστήρια, ἀρήιος · ἀλλαχοῦ θρασύς, αγαθός, πολεμικός (Hsch.). (c) *Arē- Ἄρην (5.909), dat. Ἄρῃ (v.l. Ἄρει), also Ἀρηº in MN Ἀρητάδης.
[ back ] 67. So Parker 2005:225 (“Hermahās [sic] sous l’aspect par lequel il rassemble le plus à Arès”).
[ back ] 68. Accordingly Guilleux 2012:471 explains /Areiās/* as a truncated form of a compound of the type *Arē(i)-arōgos “qui porte secours à Arès”, “qui secourt Arès”.
[ back ] 69. Guilleux 2012:469ff., according to whom the tradition of Ares bound for a long time in the bronze jar as a jail (of Anatolian origin cf. Prieto 1996:317ff., West 1997:121f.) is connected with the fact that in PY Tn 316 e-ma-a2 a-re-ja occurs with a feminine goddesses i-pe-me-de-ja, who has a sanctuary shared with pe-re-*82- and di-u-ja: i-pe-me-de-ja could be a pre-Greek goddess, which had been identified with (and assimilated to) Ἰφιμέδεια, the mother of the Aloads.
[ back ] 70. Perhaps an avatar of Athana Polias, if the epithet is a variant of πατρικός (θεός) ‘from one’s fathers’ as against ξεινικός (cf. Hdt.1.172.10 ἔδοξε δὲ τοῖσι πατρίοισι μοῦνον χρᾶσθαι θεοῖσι).
[ back ] 71. Cf. the epithets of Zeus αὐτόχειρ (Aesch. Pers. 753 +), ὀλετήρ, φovεύς (Nonn. Dion. 21.252).
[ back ] 72. García Ramón-Helly 2012:64ff. (μυκαία* is a variant of μύκη ˙θήκη [Suda], like Thess. θηκαια beside θεικα [: Att. θήκη]).
[ back ] 73. For a full discussion of the word family cf. De Lamberterie 1990:846ff. The specialisation of positive θαρσύς (“l’assurance, la confiance en soi”) as against θρασύς (“la temerité, l’impudence ou l’effronterie”) in the Classical period (De Lamberterie 1990:855) is irrelevant at this point.
[ back ] 74. On Athena as the giver of force and daring and on the hidden identity of Nausicaa as Athena the warrior in Od.6.139 cf. Frame 2009:375-6 with n.59.
[ back ] 75. Cf. also Q.S. 1.514 τόσον σθένος ἀμφοτέροισι / δῶκεν … σακέσπαλος Ἀτρυτώνη, Nonn. 30.297 ὁππότε μιν θάρσυνε μόθων ἀκόρητος Ἀθήνη.
[ back ] 76. The insightful comments of the Scholiast deserve to be remembered: δεόντως οὖν φησι μένος καὶ θάρσος, ἐπεὶ οὔτε ἡ δύναμίς τί ἐστιν ἄνευ θάρσους οὔτε τὸ θάρσος ἄνευ δυνάμεως. ἑκάτερον θατέρου χωριζόμενον ἄπρακτον. οὐχ ὡς πρότερον δὲ μὴ ἔχοντος, ἀλλὰ τὸ ἔμφυτον ηὔξησεν.
[ back ] 77. This is the case with the anthroponymes masc. Πλουτίας (Epidaure, 3rdC) or fem. Πλουτιάς (Smyrna, aet. imp.).
[ back ] 78. For a discussion cf. Vegas Sansalvador 1989:319-20.
[ back ] 79. A reference to “Aeolic” θερσύς is found in the Scholia In Oppian’s Halieutica (sch. 112) Ἐκ τοῦ θέρω κοινῶς θέρσω, αἰολικῶς θερσὺς καὶ ἐν ὑπερθέσει τοῦ ρ θρασὺς κατὰ τροπὴν τοῦ ε εἰς α· τὰ γὰρ ἀμετάβολα ἄτρεπτα ὄντα καὶ οἱ Αἰολεῖς ἐπὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος εἰς σ τρέπουσιν, οἷον κρίνω, κρίσω, θέρω θέρσω θερσὺς καὶ θρασύς. The scholiast is acquainted with a full-grade adjective θερσύς, with an unexpected accentuation (in “Aeolic”, a label which means “Lesbian” in Greek grammatical tradition, barytonesis, i.e. θέρσυς, would be the rule), but not with the possibility that this very form could be used as feminine.
[ back ] 80. The instances of non-motional -ύς, which were already noticed by the Ancients (Polyb. Rhet., De barbarismo et soloecismo p. 287 … γένος δὲ ἐν μὲν ὀνόμασιν· Αἴθη θῆλυς ἐοῦσα ἀντὶ τοῦ θήλεια, καὶ ἡδὺς ἀυτμὴ ἀντὶ τοῦ ἡδεῖα).
[ back ] 81. Chantraine, GH I, 252; De Lamberterie 1990:886f.n.4 (with references).
[ back ] 82. As stressed by Sommer 1916:174f., 221f., De Lamberterie 1990:890f. on the strength of the correspondence between Hom. θήλεας ἵππους and Ved. gā́vo dhenávaḥ : Av. gauua daēnu- ‘cow’ (gen.pl. gauuąm daēnunąm).
[ back ] 83. Cf. the insightful presentation by De Lamberterie (1990:886-7 with n.4), for instance /ἀμφήλυθεν ἡδὺς ἀϋτμή# (Od.12.369) reflects the influence of / ἀμφήλυθε θῆλυς ἀϋτή # (Od. 6.122 /ἀμφήλυθε θῆλυς ἀϋτή), whereas in /πουλὺν ἐφ’ ὑγρὴν # (Il. 10.27, also in Od.4.709) πουλὺν may conceal *πολλήν. In περὶ δ’ ἠέρα πουλὺν ἔχευε (Il. 5.776), κατὰ δ’ ἠέρα πουλὺν ἔχευεν (8.50) one may keep in mind that ἀὴρ may also be masculine (cf. Hsd. Op.549 ἀὴρ πυροφόροις τέταται μακάρων ἐπὶ ἔργοις / ὅς τε ἀρυσσάμενος …), and so on.
[ back ] 84. De Lamberterie 1990:890
[ back ] 85. “Donné par l’ ἰσχύς [personifiée]” or “donné par la puissance divine” (Masson 1972:284, with mention of the possibility of a “compose irrational” with /Isk h uo°/extracted from * Ἰσχυϝο-κλέϝης or the like); “Given by the Strong” (Ilievski 1996:63, 1999:309); “vom Kräftigen (Gott) bzw. von der Kräftigen (Göttin) gegeben” (García Ramón 2008:326-9 with reference to the gods which are referred to as ‘powerful’ in Greek litterature).
[ back ] 86. The second member /°doto-/: °δοτος is common in compound names with, among others, god-names or abstracts as their first member (types Διό-δοτος, Ζηνό-δοτος, Ἡρό-δοτος and Mοιρό-δοτος, Τιμό-δοτος, Χαρί-δοτος respectively).
[ back ] 87. García Ramón 2008:324f.
[ back ] 88. The term is also a heroic name in Hsd. fr. 60.3/4 …, ὅτι Ἴσχυς γῆμε Κόρωνιν / Εἰλατίδης (also Pind. Pyth. 3.32).
[ back ] 89. cf. A. Sept. 226 θεοῦ δ᾿ἔτ᾿ἰσχὺς, καθυπερτέρα, S. Ai. 118 ὁρᾶς, Ὀδυσσεῦ, τῆν θεῶν ἰσχὺν ὅση….
[ back ] 90. Helly 1970:252 “à la fin haste vertical avec en haut amorce d’une barre horizontale: lettre carrée plutôt que simple iota”) ; “en haut de la haste vertical on a le depart d’un barre horizontale (gamma) et non un simple apex ; à la suite, avant le bord de la pierre il y a largement la place pour deux lettres” (Bruno Helly p.c.).
[ back ] 91. Actually /-tarra/ (from *-trii̯a with secondary yotisation of /i/) better than /-terra/ with sporadic <αρ> for <ερ> as the reflex of the opening of /e/ in contact with /r/ (García Ramón 1987:132, Hajnal 1997:152, 189n.361 “/-terră/ mit mykenisch /-tirra(-)/ identisch”).
[ back ] 92. The notation -ti-ri-ja / -ti-ra2 (depending on scribal hands), e.g. a-ke-ti-ra2gen. a-ke-ti-ra2-o (very frequent in Pylos, also once in Thebes: a-ke-ti-ra2 Of 36.1.2) vs. a-ke-ti-ri-ja (Pylos, Cnossos, also once in Mycenae) remains a major problem (/-tria-/ coexisting with -ti-ra2 /-tirra/ or /-tra/?) but the function is clear. Attic -τρια is the regular outcome of *-trii̯a-, e.g. συλλήπτρια ‘helper’ (Αr., Xen.), whereas -τειρα (Ηοm., poets), e.g. βαρυ-δότειρα ‘giver of ill gifts’ (A.Th.977) may reflect *-teri̯a- (with full grade analogical with the masculine). Litt.Lesb. -τερρα (δότε[ρ]ραν Alc. fr.298.23, cf. δότειρα Hsd. Op. 356) may reflect */-tirra/ (like -ti-ra2?) with fronting of /i/ in contact with /r/, or analogical *-ter-i̯a-.
[ back ] 93. García Ramón-Helly 2007 (on Ennodia as κουρότροφος cf. the rich presentation by Helly, ibid. 301ff.).
[ back ] 94. The form is an agent noun from instrumental factitive κορω- ‘provide with κόρος (‘growth’, instr. *k̂órh1o-h1). The meaning is basically the same as that of παιδοκόρης (παιδοκόρης Ἑρμῆς τιμᾶται ἐν Μεταποντίοις), κρησίπαιδα · ἐν Θαμιακῆι θυσίᾳ … μέρη ἱερείων (Hsch.). Thess. κορουταρρα (*korō-tri̯a-), which implies a masculine *κορωτήρ fits actually a system based on *korō-, with aor. *κορω-σα- (and later with pres.*κορόω), beside part.parf. *κεκορωμένος ‘provided with κόρος’ (García Ramón 2010:76ff.).
[ back ] 95. Helly 1970, 250-296, esp. 251, 262f. with reference to derivatives of ἡγέομαι οf different relevance. Other forms apparently connected may remain out of consideration here, namely ἡγήτρια (Late Gramm.), ἡγητηρία (scil. παλάθη) ‘mass of dried figs’.
[ back ] 96. The correspondences in the first millennium prove that the agent noun is formed from a compound with second member ἄγω (better than ἡγέομαι). For the detail cf. Szemerényi 1972, and especially Leukart 1994:68ff.-71 (with references).
[ back ] 97. E.g. Pi.O. 1.89, P. 4.107; S. fr. 221.12.
[ back ] 98. Helly 1970:262f.; García Ramón – Helly 2007:295.
[ back ] 99. The indication “σὺν αὐτῷ” most probably refers to the other two divinities ἀμβούλιοι who were worshipped in the old market, namely Athena and the Dioscouri (Wide 1893:13-4).
[ back ] 100. Myc. a-ke-ra-wo /Age-lāwo-/ may conceal /A ge-lāwo-/ (: Ἀγέλαος), but also /h Āge-lāwo-/ : Ἡγέ-λεως (Athens, 4th C.+ et al.), with ἡγέομαι (*sāgei̯o/e-) underlying the first member as in MN ‘Hγησίλεως (passim).
[ back ] 101. On other epithets pointing to a warlike nature, like Hom. λαοσσόος ‘(the one) who stirs up, agitates the λαός’ and others, some of which Athena shares with Ares, cf. §4.