Choruses of Young Women in Ancient Greece: Their Morphology, Religious Roles, and Social Functions

Chorus and Ritual

Up to now, my analysis of the chorus has been mainly morphological; I have described its internal organization and defined the positions and roles assigned to each of its participants. The relationship between choregos and chorus-members is at the heart of the ensemble. The function of the choregos is to set up and conduct the chorus, and he/she is responsible for the arrangement and coordination of its musical activity; on the basis of its own actions, the chorus forms a whole with a coherent activity. But the choregos him/herself is an integral part of the choral ensemble, and it is in this relation between the leader of the chorus and the chorus-members that the different components of Greek music are unified. The connection that unites the choregos with the chorus-members, therefore, is what gives the system of the lyric chorus its particular cohesion.

In this second section, I shall place the chorus in its ritual and religious setting. The definition of the chorus and its musical activity as a closed system does not exclude its being seen in a wider framework. We have observed that the chorus does not act for itself, but always exists for a specific occasion, most frequently a cult. It therefore possesses a religious aspect that associates it regularly with a deity.

This chapter on ritual is divided into two parts, one devoted to non-Spartan rituals, the other to those attested in Sparta itself. I have made this division because part of this research is aimed at defining those rituals that might have furnished the occasion for the performance of Alcman’s fragments 1 and 3, and I shall therefore examine Spartan rites more closely. Given the uncertain relationship between signifier and signified, it is impossible to gather a complete body of evidence; the first part of this chapter, therefore, does not claim exhaustiveness—the material included would anyhow be too vast. I simply give a general classification of the occasions for which women’s choruses were organized in ancient Greece, and I attempt to define briefly the qualities of the gods to whom those choruses were dedicated, so that I may then determine the connection between chorus and divinity and the various religious functions of the choral performances by girls and women. {89|90}

3.1. Non-Spartan rituals

3.1.1. Choral festivities among the gods

The analysis of the function of the choregos has brought to light several descriptions of divine choruses that serve as paradigms for humans. Those most often mentioned are the choruses of Muses and Nymphs; the first is generally led by Apollo, the second by Artemis; these two deities are thus the divine choregoi par excellence of the Greek pantheon.

By definition, the ritual as relating man to divinity is a concept irrelevant to a description of the internal organization of the domain of the gods. Among the gods, a lyric and choral performance need not be motivated by a cult. In the passage of the Homeric Hymn to Apollo mentioned above, the mere arrival of Apollo on Mt. Olympus gives rise to hymns sung by the Muses, dances performed by the Graces and the Seasons, the song of Artemis, and the dance-steps of Ares and Hermes executed under the delighted gaze of Leto and Zeus. Theseus, when he dives into the ocean, finds the house of Amphitrite and Poseidon filled with the Nereides dancing, according to Bacchylides. Dance seems to be their main activity. Similarly, according to the author of the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite, the Nymphs, neither mortal nor divine, live on without end, feeding on divine food and dancing in chorus with the gods. [1] Dancing and singing form part of the image of the Golden Age and constitute one of the main features of the life of the Blessed. According to Pindar, the Hyperboreans, who know neither sorrow nor war, like the men of Hesiod’s golden race, live in perpetual bliss, banqueting and sacrificing to Apollo; and their whole country resounds to the feet of young girls dancing in chorus to the lyre and pipe. The choral dance, specifically when performed by adolescents and women, symbolizes for Pindar one of the basic features of a life equal to that of the gods. [2] In Archaic Greek poetry, music is the pleasure of the gods!

3.1.2. Rites dedicated to Artemis

The chorus of Euripides’ tragedies, when made up of women, often speaks of its service to Artemis. It is this goddess whom the chorus of Trojan women feted when the horse was introduced into Troy: Artemis, the virgin of the mountains, the daughter of Zeus (τὰν ὀρεστέραν παρθένον, Διὸς κόραν). Iphigenia, in the play about her sacrifice, asks the young women (νεανίδες) who form the chorus to sing the paean in honor of Artemis, the daughter of Zeus (Διὸς κόρην), in expiation of the murder about to be committed. The chorus of the captive Trojan women in Hecuba wonder about their fate and whether they will ever again join the young Deliades (Δηλιάσι κούραισιν) to celebrate Artemis. The chorus of attendants in Iphigenia in Tauris expresses a similar longing to rejoin the Greek choruses, those choruses in which the young girls (παρθένοι) had been rivals in grace: they danced before marriage, having left their mothers to join the groups of girls of their age (ἁλκίων θιάσους); as the lines at the beginning of the stasimon suggest, these adolescent choruses were dedicated to the service of Artemis. And finally Helen, in the tragedy that bears her name, replies to the chorus of young Greek captives with her in Egypt that she envies the fate of the virgin Kallisto, metamorphosed by Zeus, and the fate of the daughter of Merops (Μέροπος κούραν), whom Artemis chased away from her chorus because of her beauty and then turned into a deer. [5]

Indeed most of these scenes take place within the context of adolescent choruses dedicated to Artemis. Hermes falls in love with Polymele, daughter of Phylas, when he sees her dancing and singing in the chorus of Artemis (χορῷ καλὴ Π. Φύλαντος θυγάτηρ). The union of the god and the abducted maiden is virginal (not matrimonial), since there is born of this union a παρθένιος, a child of a maiden, who later becomes the brave general Eudoros. In the Homeric Hymn dedicated to her, Aphrodite passes herself off as a maiden who has not yet known love in order to seduce Anchises; she disguises herself as an adolescent abducted by Hermes from a chorus dedicated to Artemis while she was frolicking with her comrades (πολλαὶ δὲ νύμφαι καὶ παρθένοι παίζομεν). [7] The chorus in Euripides’ Helen tells how Kore was abducted from the circular choruses of virgins (κυκλίων χορῶν ἔξω παρθενίων) and immediately searched for by Artemis and Athena; this version of the Persephone myth corresponds to the one in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter: the girl was dancing (παίζουσαν/παίζομεν) and picking flowers in a field with the Oceanides when Hades carried her off to the underworld. If it is not explicitly said that a chorus of Oceanides was performing a ritual in honor of Artemis, the young goddess, accompanied by Athena, nevertheless took part in an adolescent group with choral connotations. [8]

To these irregular unions between gods and human beings correspond regular unions among humans, springing from the same root. I shall recount three, that of Habrocomes and Antheia, Hermochares and Ktesylla, and Akontios and Kydippe, and, although they are attested in post-Hellenistic romances, I shall analyze them in detail. [10] All of these unions start with a festival honoring Artemis in which the future brides, still virgins, are dancing; in each case, the adolescent girl arouses the desire of her suitor when he sees her among her companions. The obvious marriage control function of these festivals has been explained by Plutarch in connection with a custom among young girls on the island of Keos (Κείων παρθένοις: note the semantic feature ‘geographical/family association’); these adolescent girls went together to public festivities (ἱερὰ δημόσια) where they played and danced (παιζούσας καὶ χορευούσας) under the eyes of their suitors. Their relations with their future husbands were thus under constant supervision and, adds Plutarch, in this way seduction and adultery were completely avoided. [11] The exemplary love story of Hermochares and Ktesylla takes place precisely on Keos. The chorus that performs in the rituals for Artemis is therefore made up of adolescent girls past puberty but not yet married. The choral performance in honor of the virgin goddess seems to consecrate the religious aspect of that period in the life of a young girl that extends from puberty to the first legal sexual contact, marked in Greece by marriage.

Among festivals dedicated to Artemis in which female choruses take part, the best documented is that of Artemis at Ephesos. Autocrates, the comic author, in a fragment of the Tympanistai quoted by Aelian, pictures the movements of a chorus of young girls dancing. He describes these young virgins, girls of the Lydians (φίλαι παρθένοι Λυδῶν κόραι), as they gambolled near the statue of the goddess, dancing lightly, making their hair flow and playing music (on the lyre?) with both hands; with their hips they executed a movement similar to that of a dipper when it descends. [12] This dance corresponds to one performed by the Amazons in a myth reported by Callimachus, which perhaps plays the role of {93|94} aition for the ritual alluded to in Autocrates. In his Hymn to Artemis, Callimachus recounts how the Amazons set up a statue to Artemis on the shore of Ephesos. Hippo, the Queen of the Amazons, performed a particular ritual (τέλεσεν ἱερόν) on this occasion, and her followers performed an armed dance called prylis, followed by a circular choral dance (κύκλῳ στησάμεναι χορὸν εὐρύν); the music of the syrinx accompanied their dances, adds Callimachus, giving them the necessary rhythm and cohesiveness. If this dance is not the exact model of the one described by Autocrates—there are too few elements for a definitive comparison—Callimachus sees in the erection of the statue of Artemis by the Amazons the initial act of founding the sanctuary that was subsequently built. [13]

These two sources should be complemented by two other texts that use terms connoting a choral performance without actually mentioning it. They concern rites performed by boys and girls of Ephesos in honor of Artemis. The Etymologicum Magnum, in explaining the epiclesis Daitis, which refers to Artemis of Ephesos, describes both the ritual and the founding legend of this cult. The rite consists of a meal offered to the goddess by the Ephesians. Its origin lies in an offering of salt once made, on a mythical occasion, by adolescent girls and boys of Ephesos (κόραι καὶ ἔφηβοι); under the leadership of Clymena, daughter of the king of the city (Κ. θυγάτηρ βασιλέως: note the line of parentage), boys and young virgins carried a statue of Artemis out of the city and set it up in a field near the sea. After having danced and sung (παιδιὰν καὶ τέρψιν), they wanted to honor the goddess with an offering in place of a meal, and they offered her salt. The following year, the offering was not repeated, and the young people suffered a visitation of cosmic anger (μῆνις) and an epidemic (λοιμός) sent by Artemis. Since then, the offering of a meal was regularly made to expiate the fault committed by the young Ephesians and as propitiation in fear of the scourges sent by the goddess (ἐξηυμενίσαντο τὴν θεόν). [14] The structure of the account in the Etymologicum Magnum ([1] act of devotion to a god, [2] {94|95} transgression of this act, [3] a curse put on the transgressors, [4] expiation/propitiation by a ritual act performed regularly and repeating the original act of devotion) shows that in some way the ritual hinges on its legend of foundation: by the offense and its expiation, the single act of devotion is turned into a repetitive and proper ritual. So much for the form of the story. As we shall see, its substance is characteristic of several rites of adolescence, such as that begun by the Proitides at Lousoi or the one honoring Artemis at Brauron.

The final important source for the festival of the Ephesia is that of Xenophon of Ephesos, quoted above. Even if it is difficult to take a romance as a document on a cultic practice, the coincidence with the information already given confers on this literary description a certain verisimilitude. As we have seen, it was at a festival of Artemis at Ephesos that the model couple, Habrocomes and Antheia, met. The author of the romance specifies that the sanctuary of Artemis where the rite took place was outside the city, seven stades from its walls. That it was outside the circumference of the city corresponds to the information given in the Etymologicum Magnum on the festival of Artemis Daitis, since the original ritual took place in a field, obviously outside the city, probably on the shore if we follow Callimachus. All the boys of sixteen and all the girls of fourteen went in procession (πομπεύειν) along the seven stades between the town and the place of celebration. Each group was led, according to the description given above, by the most beautiful and most representative of them, in this case Habrocomes and Antheia. In the procession, the adolescents carried ritual objects, torches, baskets, and perfumes for the sacrifice. They were followed by horses, dogs, and people carrying hunting gear. People of the region and foreigners brought up the rear of the procession, in the center of which were Habrocomes and Antheia, admired by the onlookers. After the procession and a sacrifice performed at the goddess’ temple, the young people could finally meet each other; it was then that the exemplary love of Habrocomes for Antheia began, according to Xenophon of Ephesos. [15]

In Nilsson’s opinion, Xenophon’s story offers little interest, since the elements that pertain to the Ephesian festival are not original. This is justified to the extent that the description is very general, characteristic of any of the festivals for Artemis involving adolescents. For my thesis, however, it is precisely this accumulation of the semantic features underlying female festivals that makes it attractive. In fact, Xenophon’s account, with such details as the arrangement of the procession, the ages of the participants precisely noted, the companionship evident in the two groups, the leading positions of Habrocomes and Antheia, the ritual allusion to the Artemisian activity of hunting, and the presence of a large crowd of onlookers, constitutes a sort of “structural” description of an adolescent ritual dedicated to Artemis. And the author goes so {95|96} far as to give an analysis of its function by indicating that the ritual played the role of organizing new marriages (ἔθος ἦν ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ πανηγύρει καὶ νυμφίους ταῖς παρθένοις εὑρίσκεσθαι καὶ γυναῖκας τοῖς ἐφήβοις). Xenophon’s description conforms therefore to the model of the adolescent festival, the function of which is to allow the crossing of the line between puberty and marriage, at the moment of integration into adult life.

Not far from Ephesos, at Magnesia on the River Meander, several datable ruins and decrees indicate the founding of a new temple dedicated to Artemis Leukophryne. In the classical period, this Artemis was also honored at Athens, in the context of the political relationships of Themistocles with Magnesia on the Meander, and perhaps in Crete. [18] The first decrees found date from 207/6, the last from 129 B.C., but all refer back to the same act of foundation. [19] At {96|97} Magnesia, Artemis Leukophryne had the role of the polis divinity (τῆι ἀρχεγέτιδι τῆς πόλεως Ἀρτέμιδι: 695. 18; τᾶι εὐεργέτιδι καὶ καθαγεμόνι τᾶς πόλιος: 559. 36). This goddess resembles, then, Artemis of Ephesos. [20] The beginning of the decree 695 shows that we have here an ancient cult, since the founding of the sanctuary is described as the renovation of an already existing temple. In fact, after the epiphany of Artemis in 221/20, the xoanon of the goddess was taken to a new building constructed especially for her, namely, the Parthenon. [21] The decrees of 207/6 speak about a festival occurring every four years, organized along the lines of the Pythian Games, and the decree of 129 about an annual festival organized the sixth day of the month Artemision, which corresponds to 6 Thargelion in the Attic calendar, the same date as the Athenian spring festival of the Thargelia. [22] The ritual included sacrifices and an official festivity (πανήγυριν) with competitions in music, gymnastics, and horsemanship. [23] This date was a national holiday; children did not go to school and slaves had the day off. All the townspeople met in the public square attired in their best clothes and crowned with laurel wreaths. The women went to the temple as followers of the goddess, and the priest was responsible for organizing (συντελείτω ὁ νεωκόρος) choruses of young girls to sing hymns in honor of Artemis (χοροὺς παρθένων ᾀδουσῶν ὕμνους). [24] Performances of adolescent female choruses were therefore an integral part of a ritual in which the whole city participated.

Not far from Ephesos, at Samos, Artemis was also honored by choruses of adolescents (ἵστασαν χοροὺς παρθένων τε καὶ ἠϊθέων). This information comes from Herodotus who describes this rite as the consequence of a historical event. [25] It is therefore difficult to speak of a real “myth” of foundation, since the founding of the rite occurred in historical times! However, it plays exactly the {97|98} same role since, according to Herodotus, the event was the cause of a festival that became a regular cultural practice. The historian from Halicarnassus says that Periander, the tyrant of Corinth, in order to punish the Corcyreans for the murder of his seventeen-year-old son Lycophron, had sent to Alyattes of Sardis three hundred children from Corcyra to be castrated. The Samians, during a stopover of the Corinthians on their island, hid the children from their guards and shut them up in the temple of Artemis. The Corinthians, forbidden to take the suppliants from the temple by force, tried to wear them down by starvation; but the Samians lifted the Corinthians’ siege by instituting a festival in which choruses of maidens and ephebes carried sesame cakes and honey to the goddess; the children from Corcyra hid the food and ate it and were thus saved. This ritual was performed regularly thereafter. There are present here, although in a different context, two elements of the founding legend of the cult of Artemis Daitis at Ephesos: the offering of food and the rescue that results from it. It looks as if the consumption of foods, associated in ancient Greece with the consummation of the marriage, would rescue the adolescents from the symbolic death represented in the founding event by the castration. In addition, the details given by Herodotus suggest a date for the beginning of the ritual at Samos, since it is contemporaneous with a Samos crater that the Spartans sent to Croesus. We can therefore date the ritual from the middle of the sixth century. [26]

The founding legend of this ritual, of which there are several versions, can be reduced to a schema like the one for the ritual of Artemis Daitis at Ephesos: the first act of the ritual in the Athenian rite concerns the presence of a bear in the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron (thirty kilometers from Athens); its death at the hands of youths provokes the anger of the goddess, who sends an epidemic or famine as punishment; this scourge is expiated and propitiated by the sacrifice of the daughter (θυγάτηρ) of a citizen; for the human victim an animal is substituted, and the sacrifice is carried on by the periodic service of young Athenian girls to the goddess. This service consists in imitating the bear (ἀρκτεύειν, μιμήσασθαι τὴν ἄρκτον), thus repeating the original event by mimesis. The sources explicitly report that the intention of this service is to prepare the young women for marriage. So, under the aegis of Artemis, we have a characteristic female rite of adolescence.

3.1.3. Apollo

At Delphi Apollo was particularly worshipped in the feast of the Stepterion, which may be related to the already mentioned Daphnephoria of Thebes. [36] The theoria of young nobles, one acting as ἀρχιθέωρος, moved from Delphi to Tempe, then from Tempe back to Delphi; the sacrifice performed at Tempe in honor of Apollo was followed by a second procession that recalls in more than one respect the ritual of the Daphnephoria at Thebes. The same adolescents {101|102} carried the laurel bough from Tempe to Delphi, which was then used to make wreaths for the winners of the Pythian Games. The road they followed was called Pythias, and it probably retraced Apollo’s legendary journey to Delphi. [37] Like the Theban Daphnephoria, the procession of the Stepterion took place every eight years; the recent discovery of the remains of a Daphnephorion in Eretria, and also in Thebes, one of the stopping places on the Pythian Way, would seem to confirm the connection between the Theban and Delphic rituals. The findings at Eretria are all the more interesting as the architecture of this ancient sanctuary reproduces the pattern of a true laurel hut. [38] Nilsson compares this ritual with the festival of the May Tree (εἰρεσιώνη), held in the spring in several locations in Greece, among them Athens (assuming the εἰρεσιώνη present at the Thargelia in honor of Apollo), Samos (Apollo) and Sparta (Artemis Korythalia); Farnell takes up the idea of the May Tree and makes the Theban Daphnephoria a springtime festival with solar implications and with the purpose of reactivating the forces of nature. [39] The epiclesis Galaxios, under which Apollo was honored in the Theban Daphnephoria, suggests this, since at Delos the month of Galaxion is the same as the first month of spring. [40] {102|103}

The supplications of young Thebans to Apollo Ismenios-Galaxios during a spring festival probably were meant to call down on the adolescents the protection of the deity and to assure them of their rebirth and physical completion after the period of their initiatory death. Realizing that such an interpretation is based on conjecture, I nevertheless put forward the suggestion that the ritual of the Theban Daphnephoria was meant to introduce the young girls in the chorus to the period of marginality and death in a tribal initiation procedure.

The facts concerning female choral performances in honor of Apollo on Delos do not form a coherent whole. It is possible that they should be linked to several rituals or in any case to different phases in the same festival.

The Homeric Hymn to Apollo is the oldest source for an Apollonian ceremony at Delos: the festival is celebrated by the Ionian men with their wives and children; competitions are organized (στήσωνται ἀγῶνα) including boxing, dancing, and singing. But the high point of the feast is the singing of the “hymn” by the Deliades (κοῦραι Δηλιάδες), the youthful servants of Apollo; in this song the girls celebrate Apollo, as well as Leto and Artemis, and go on to the exploits of men and women whom they remember and whose voices they imitate. [45] This passage, important for the understanding of the role of mimesis and memory in the Greeks’ idea of poetry, is partly paraphrased and partly quoted by Thucydides: the Athenian historian reports that on the occasion of the radical purification of Delos in 426 and after a first intervention of Peisistratos in the sixth century, the Athenians took over the Ionian festival, called it the Delia, and celebrated it every four years. [46] Concerning the first form of the ritual as it was celebrated by the Ionians, and as it is described in the Homeric Hymn, {104|105} Thucydides adds that the Ionians and the inhabitants of the neighboring islands arrived at Delos in procession (ἐθεώρουν), as they did later in Thucydides’ time at Ephesos for the already-mentioned festival of the Ephesia, and that the different towns sent choruses (χοροὺς ἀνῆγον). He mentions the chorus of the Deliades (τὸν Δηλιακὸν χορὸν τῶν γυναικῶν), without specifying whether it was retained in the reformed version of the Athenians. The historian ends his account by affirming that the Athenians and the island people sent choruses (χοροὺς ἔπεμπον) to Delos from their own cities, following the custom of the Ionians, and added another competition to the original ones, a horse-race.

For the moment, let us note that the various accounts of the Delia center around three main points: the first is the aition of the festival which includes the legend of the Hyperborean virgins who bring the first fruits to Delos on the first occasion (Hdt., Call.) and the story, only in Herodotus, of the journey of the young Hyperborean girls to be present at the birth of Apollo; these are legendary acts underlying the ritual of the Delia. The second point includes the service of the Deliades; according to the Homeric Hymn to Apollo and Thucydides, the girls are in effect the servants of Apollo and in the ritual celebrated by the Ionians sang songs celebrating their master, along with Artemis and Leto. As we shall see, the Deliades held different religious observances for Apollo in different places. We are therefore talking about a professional chorus performing for cults, and, at Delos, their performance should be clearly distinguished from that of choruses sent by cities in Ionia, later by Athens (Hom., Thuc., Call.). Musical performances by these choruses is the third point in our knowledge about the Delia. They are included among the various ritual practices of the festival, such as gymnastic and musical competitions, later, horse-racing, and consecration of the first fruits. Probably the account of Herodotus in which the Delians sang of Opis and Arge in a hymn composed by Olen, the native poet of Delos, and which the Ionians and the island people also sang, can be associated with the Delian rites. This hymn can be viewed as one of the ritual songs performed by the choruses sent to the festival. [53]

The significance of the Delia is just as difficult to determine as the date. Their importance and complexity prevent the festival’s reduction to one aspect. The legends underlying the festival associate it with the birth of Apollo and the cults of Leto and Eileithyia. In the myth, the connotations are consequently pedotrophic. As regards the ritual, the Deliades are defined as young girls, which leads the interpreter into the realm of adolescence. [56] Unfortunately, the Homeric Hymn does not reveal the qualities invoked for Apollo, Leto and Artemis in the hymn sung by the young girls; only Artemis receives her customary epiclesis of archer. The consecration of the first fruits, doubtless at the beginning of spring, suggests the idea of propitiation perhaps before the plants come into flower. It marks the passage from a dead season to a new one. Besides evident political reasons related to the position of Athens in the League of Delos, this semantic feature of ‘renewal’ probably translates into one of the motives that caused the Athenians to reorganize the Delia after the complete purification of the island in 425. This purification has itself a sense of propitiation or expression of thanksgiving—propitiation so that the plague is not renewed, or thanks for its end. [57] We have also seen how the cult, celebrated by adolescents of the island in honor of the young Hyperborean virgins who were the first to bring the first fruits to Delos, refers to courotrophy and to the preparation for marriage.

On the other hand, these aspects of pedotrophy and courotrophy presented by the festival of the Delia should not obscure the fact that the choruses sent there from Ionia and the islands indicate something more. Open to women as well as to children, the festival, on the eve of spring, probably represented a ritual of renewal for the whole city. Nor did the Delia concern a single city, but a large region, and no doubt touched various aspects of social life, from agriculture to the admittance of adolescents to citizenship.

Choregos and kourotrophos, Apollo is close to Artemis. His domain covers partly the same area as that of the virgin goddess as far as adolescence is concerned. The relationship of these two divinities, both children of Leto and Zeus, is reflected in their sphere of activity. [66] It is seen in a festival that took place in Sicyon, where Apollo and Artemis were honored simultaneously. The aition of this adolescent ritual is based on the original dispatch of seven youths and seven girls as suppliants (παῖδας ἑπτὰ καὶ ἴσας παρθένους ἱκετεύοντας) to the bank of the River Sythas. This aition parallels the structure of certain foundation legends of rites for Artemis and for Apollo: the mission of the adolescents was motivated by an epidemic visited upon the Sicyonians when the divinities came to the town after the death of the serpent Python in order to be purified, but out of fear they had to flee to Crete. The propitiation of the two divinities for their return to Sicyon was obtained by sending the young people to the River Sythas; it resulted in the regular observance of a ritual by the adolescents (παῖδες) of the town. During this ritual, the effigies of the divinities were carried into the sanctuary of Peitho (because both divinities were persuaded to go back to Sicyon) on the former Acropolis and then returned to the temple of {110|111} Apollo on the banks of the Sythas. [67] Motivated by the expiation of the same murder of Python as the Delphic ritual of the Stepterion, the dispatch of the adolescents out of the town onto the banks of the river recalls the route of the Theban Daphnephoria and clearly has an initiatory sense. At the river, the young people probably performed a rite aimed at expiating the death of Python and propitiating the epidemic which symbolized the death of the adolescents. The fact that the adolescents appear as suppliants, and that they leave inhabited space for the river, recalls the Apollonian and Artemisian rites already mentioned, at the same time confirming the initiatory interpretation I have offered. Unfortunately, the only source for the rite at Sicyon does not mention a choral performance.

When differences appear between the spheres of Apollo and Artemis in their mediation of growth and adolescence, it can generally be reduced to a difference that reflects the respective sexes of the divinities. Apollo refers to masculinity, in spite of his close ties with the chorus of the Muses, while Artemis is the goddess of female adolescence. Generally speaking, girls’ choruses are not seen in the cult of Apollo except where his authority is greatest; Artemis protects boys where she reigns alone. Together in the same cult, they share the same sphere of action, each according to his/her character. For example at Delos, the consecration of hair by young Delians has a clearly Artemisian character although it takes place in an entirely Apollonian context. The presence of the tomb of the young Hyperboreans in the Artemision, where the consecration took place, and the names attributed to these young girls are the exterior marks of the Artemisian aspect of the ritual. These marks are significant for the direct connection of the ritual act with preparation for marriage.

This account follows the narrative shape of the legends I have cited which recount the adventures of a young girl who arouses the desire of a man while she dances in a chorus dedicated to Artemis. In the story of Hermochares and Ktesylla, it is not during a festival for Artemis but during the Pythia of Karthaia, a city on Keos, celebrated in honor of Apollo, that the suitor saw the young girl dance for the first time; daughter of Alcidamas (Ἀλκιδάμαντος θυγάτηρ), Ktesylla danced around the altar of the god (χορεύουσαν περὶ τὸν βωμὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος). Two of the semantic complexes defined in our morphology of the Greek chorus can be recognized behind these expressions; the first, defining the status of Ktesylla, has the features ‘adolescence’ and ‘family association’; the second, concerning the choral performance, includes ‘circularity’ and ‘center.’ But it is in the sanctuary of Artemis that Hermochares throws Ktesylla the apple with the vow which, spoken aloud and sworn in the name of Artemis, bound the girl to her lover by a promise of marriage. [70] It is also from the sanctuary of Artemis that Hermochares abducted Ktesylla when he heard that the father of the girl had concluded another marriage, in spite of having sworn an oath to give his daughter to Hermochares. The misfortune that finally befell Ktesylla was the result of her father’s broken vow. The union of the lovers was quite regular and Ktesylla, after her death, was honored by the Ceans of Ioulis under the names of Aphrodite Ktesylla, and in the other cities on the island Ktesylla Hekaerge. [71]

Above and beyond the indications that this story gives about the privileged relationship of Artemis and adolescent female dance, it shows that Artemis and Apollo can intervene on exactly the same occasion but are bound by their sexual difference: the oath written by Hermochares and spoken by Ktesylla was made in the name of Artemis, while the father’s word was given in the name of Apollo. On the other hand, the location of the story, at first during a festival for Apollo, then in a sanctuary belonging to Artemis, shows the reciprocity possible between the two divinities.

3.1.4. Hera

Adolescence being the period of transition from one condition to another, it is right that this should be the meeting place of several gods. While Artemis and Apollo cover the whole process of growth from birth to the end of adolescence, {113|114} Hera covers only the two extremes of this process: the matrimonial period extending from adolescence to maternity. During this time, the young girl is under the protection of Hera, but also under that of Aphrodite. Birth, growth, adolescence, marriage, maternity —the cycle is a closed circle. Artemis and Apollo on the one hand, Hera and Aphrodite on the other, share the responsibility without there being theoretically any overlap between their respective spheres of action.

The connection of the sixteen women with Hera is justified by their status as married women, as Pausanias explicitly states. Their role was originally political: a legend tells that after the demise of Damophon, tyrant of Pisa, hostility between Pisa and Elis ended. To bring about peace, each of the sixteen districts of Elis delegated the oldest, most esteemed and most sensible woman (ἡλικίᾳ πρεσβυτάτη καὶ ἀξιώματι καὶ δόξῃ). These sixteen women formed a college which, after having settled the differences between Pisa and Elis, was given the duty of organizing the Heraia at Olympia. These women were also active in the {114|115} region was politically restructured into eight phylai, each phyle sent two women to the college, which was active right up to the time of Pausanias.

Still adolescent (κοῦραι), the Proitides seem to be under the protection of Artemis, and indeed only her intervention could save them. But as a fragment of Hesiod shows, Hera, provoked by their lasciviousness, sent a madness that took away the flower of their youth, as they had become young girls who had arrived at the end of their sexual development; [85] thus they are situated exactly at the juncture of the domains assigned to Artemis and Hera. That is why the institution of choruses in honor of Artemis signifies the end of their quarrel with Hera. In addition, according to most of the sources, the story of the madness of the daughters of Proitos ends in their marriage. Having expiated their crime towards Hera with the help of Artemis, the young adolescents are ready for marriage. The narrative schema we know, ‘offending a divinity / calamity sent by the divinity / order reestablished by a regular ritual practice,’ is present on two different levels, that of the intervention of Artemis and that of Hera’s jurisdiction. It marks the passage from one state to another: from adolescence, the Proitides move on to the status of married women; from the jurisdiction of Artemis, they move to that of Hera. [86] The change is thus no longer to the beginning of the marginal period of tribal initiation, but to the terminus of the initiation period, namely the status of an adult. It is likely that the act of hybris committed by the Proitides represents a refusal to acknowledge Hera’s domain, in other words, a refusal to marry; the act would therefore signify the moment of negation that precedes any change to a new state.

The temple of Artemis founded by the Proitides has not been identified for certain. According to Callimachus, Proitos dedicated two temples to Artemis in thanksgiving for his daughters’ cure; one to Artemis Koria in the mountains of Azania near Cleitor, the other to Artemis Hemera at Lousoi. These sites are both Arcadian. [87] In spite of the uncertainties of the tradition that attributes to Athena {117|118} rather than to Artemis the Azanian cult of Koria, the semantic and morphological derivation of the epiclesis of the goddess celebrated at Cleitor is clear, and it is significant that in one version of the myth the cure of the young girls ends in a dedication of a temple to the goddess “of adolescents.” The epiclesis Hemera on the other hand is more interesting in that the ancients had an explanation for it, namely, that Artemis had succeeded in “taming,” or “civilizing” (διὰ τῆς Ἀ. ἡμερώθησαν) the daughters of Proitos. We may find an echo of this passage in the epiclesis that Bacchylides attributes to the Artemis who governs the city of Metapontum, where the addressee of his ode comes from: she is said to be at the same time Ἀγροτέρα (wild huntress) and Ἡμ]έ̣ρα (civilized). [88] This image of being tamed after a period of time spent in the wild countryside (Callimachus speaks of ἄγριος θυμός) appears in various accounts of the education of an adolescent girl in Greece and her attainment of adult status as a married woman, and it is illustrated by the taming of animals. I shall try to explain this concept of education as taming in the section on the educational {118|119} character of the Archaic chorus. For the moment, we will keep to the mythical and cultic aspects.

On the other hand, in Lesbos, the cult of Hera was related to the beauty contests of women (γυναῖκες) rather than adolescents. According to Athenaeus, contests of this sort were organized at Tenedos, Basilis on the Alpheus, and at Lesbos. Those at Basilis were dedicated to Eleusinian Demeter, those on Lesbos, to Hera, where they took place in her sanctuary. This last piece of information comes from a scholion explaining the passage of the Iliad where Agamemnon suggests to Nestor that he calm Achilles’ anger by giving the hero a gift of seven women from Lesbos (Λεσβίδας) chosen from among those who had won the contests; among these seven women was Briseis. [98] Homer’s passage shows how ancient the institution of beauty contests was on Lesbos. It is probable that Hera’s sanctuary, where the contest took place, corresponds to the great sanctuary of Zeus, Hera, and Dionysus of which both Sappho and Alcaeus speak; this sanctuary was situated at Mesa or Messon north of Pyrrha at the back of the Gulf of Callona. [99] A fragment of Alcaeus associates the song of the women of Lesbos with the ritual of the Kallisteia. In this poem, without actually mentioning the name of Hera, Alcaeus expresses his desire to withdraw into the {122|123} sanctuary where “the Lesbian girls compete in beauty and where echoes of their ritual cries resound each year” (ἄχω θεσπεσία γυναίκων ἴρα[ς ὀ]λολύγας ἐνιαυσίας). [100] The ritual of the Kallisteia thus contained an important musical event. It is in this context that we should view the epigram in the Palatine Anthology previously mentioned, which describes the arrival at the temple of Hera of the young Lesbian women who formed a chorus there, led by Sappho. [101] The reason for this choral performance, if it is not purely fictive, may differ from the rite of the Kallisteia; the scene described in the epigram nevertheless accords perfectly with the information given by Sappho and Alcaeus themselves.

3.1.5. Aphrodite

Many are the interpreters who thought that they were able to recognize in the unfolding of the legend of the journey of Theseus and his companions from Athens to Crete and then back via the Labyrinth from Crete to Delos and Athens the tripartite scheme of an initiatory ritual. According to them, Theseus’ victory over the Minotaur could be interpreted as a resurrection after the initiation death represented for his young Athenian companions by their wanderings in the Labyrinth. This mythical journey would be repeated in ritual by the rite of 6 Mounichion, dedicated to Apollo and commemorating the departure of Theseus for Crete at the beginning of the summer (rite of separation), and by the festivals of the Pyanopsia and of the Oschophoria which celebrated his return at the beginning of autumn (rite of aggregation). It is significant that a symbolic branch was carried at the first as well as at the second festival. [110] But above all, these rituals, according to Plutarch’s explanation, repeat the vow addressed to Apollo by Theseus on his departure for Crete, probably on the occasion of the dedication at 6 Mounichion of the supplication branch taken from the sacred {126|127} olive-tree, and granted by the god on his return to Athens. Carried on the occasion of the Pyanopsia, the eiresione, an olive branch decorated with figs, cakes, and receptacles of honey, olive oil, and wine, recalls the first branch of supplication. The Pyanopsia then would represent the ritual act of thanksgiving to Apollo after the death act symbolized by the experience in the Labyrinth and after the act of propitiation preceding it on 6 Mounichion. And, still according to the aetiological description of Plutarch, the performance of the Oschophoria, one day later, was explained as the repetition of the sorrow felt at the announcement of Aigeus’ death at the return of the hero from Crete, and the race of Theseus’ companions from the harbor of Phaleron towards the city.

The supplication of the adolescents in the Theban Daphnephoria or in the rites of Sicyon seem to represent only the first phase of tribal initiation, but, if we want to follow this interpretive line, the complex Athenian ritual would cover its three principal stages. The departure of Theseus for Crete would be the mythical model for the start of the initiation process (6 Mounichion), his fight with the Minotaur, for the marginal period of trial, and the return of the hero to Athens, for the end of the initiation (7 Pyanopsion). Under these conditions, and since it was dedicated to Athena and Dionysus rather than to Apollo, the Oschophoria that immediately followed the Pyanopsia would have to represent the integration of the new initiates into the adult world, or at any rate the affirmation of the ability of the neo-initiates to become adults. In a recent study devoted to the young Theseus, I tried to show that the initiatory significance attributed to the Athenian ritual complex can be only a reinterpretation of previous disparate rituals. It may have been the same at Delos with the Aphrodisia which, dedicated to a divinity of adult sexuality as were the Oschophoria, celebrated ritually one of the stages in the return of Theseus to Athens. This ritual acceptance of the adolescents into the adult world can be read on the level of myth in the love between Theseus and Ariadne, a love that failed, ending in Ariadne’s marriage to Dionysus, the god of adult femininity. The mythical complex surrounding Ariadne, honored under the guise of Aphrodite at Delos, marks the function of the choral ritual of the Crane Dance as preparation for adulthood. On the other hand, in the same way as the Crane Dance mirrored the original dance by the mixed chorus of Theseus, the Athenian rite of the Oschophoria contained a procession repeating, according to Plutarch, the procession of adolescents led by the hero on his return from Crete. This was probably carried out by seven girls and seven boys, or rather five maidens and nine ephebes, two of whom were dressed as girls. [111] And to this procession were certainly added choral dances; in fact, in the Alexandrian classification of {127|128} Archaic lyric production given by Proclus, the oschophorika are listed with the daphnephorika and the tripodephorika as one of the sub-genres of the partheneia. [112] Proclus thus confirms the presence of girls at the Oschophoria and consequently its connection with the Aphrodisia at Delos. In addition, it is probably the fact of the mixed chorus at the Oschophoria that moved the Alexandrian editors to class the songs sung by this chorus among the partheneia.

3.1.6. Athena

A fifth deity, Athena, is celebrated by female choruses. It is in her honor that the Argive girls in a troop (ἴλα, line 33) perform the bathing of Pallas described by Callimachus in his hymn to the goddess. [115] The young girls, called παῖδες {128|129} (line 57), κῶραι (lines 27 and 138), Πελασγιάδες (line 4), Ἀχαιϊάδες (line 13) and (παρθενικαί) παῖδες Ἀρεστοριδᾶν (line 34), embody all the semantic features characteristic of those in a chorus of virgins: ‘adolescence,’ ‘collectivity,’ ‘family association,’ ‘geographical belonging.’ They also have a qualification associated with the ritual they perform: bathers of Pallas (λωτροχόοι τᾶς Παλλάδος, lines 1 and 134). In the mimetic manner characteristic of many Hellenistic poems, the hymn composed by Callimachus is the hymn of invocation that the girls of Argos were reputed to sing during the ritual. Before invoking the appearance of the goddess, they invite their companions to attend the rite. The invocation to the goddess serves as introduction to a long description of the mythical scene underlying the ritual. The first bathing of Athena, of the goddess herself, not of her image, takes place in a virginal context, as in the ritual. The goddess, and her favorite companion, Chariklo, the choregos of the chorus of Nymphs (χοροστασίαι, line 66; ἁγεῖτο, line 67), servants of the goddess, bathe, nude, near the spring Hippocrene. [116] How the story continues is well known: Teiresias, then adolescent (γένεια περκάζων, line 75f.), surprises the two naked females; Athena punishes him by striking him with blindness; Chariklo, his mother, prays to the goddess, who compensates him for his blindness with the power of divination.

The relationship of this polis divinity to adolescence, and more particularly to female adolescence, raises the problem once again of the limits of her field of action compared with those of neighboring divinities. In Argos there seems to have been an overlapping of the influence of Athena and of Hera, as I have defined it; in Athens, there is a similar overlap, but with the preponderant influence of Artemis.

There is another complex of rituals in connection with Athena and the Panathenaia, which denotes more specifically female adolescence. These were performed by the arrhephoroi, four in number. Chosen from the best families of Athens, two of them were responsible for weaving the peplos offered to Athena at the Panathenaia; the two others performed the nocturnal rite of the Arrhephoria. During this rite, the girls went down through a subterranean room to a sanctuary belonging to Aphrodite called in the gardens, a sanctuary that archaeologists have succeeded in identifying on the north slope of the Acropolis. This room led to a spring to which they brought objects in a reed basket — objects they were not allowed to see. They brought back others that one source identifies as cakes in the shape of snakes and phalloi.

Burkert has given an insightful interpretation of this ritual, seeing in it a rite of passage, specifically a rite of initiation permitting the young Athenian girl to {131|132} enter the world of adult womanhood. The different characteristics of the ritual of the Arrhephoria and of its aition make it without doubt a rite of adolescence. The signified of this rite is an initiation into sexuality with the connotations of vegetal and animal fecundity implied by it. However, it is difficult to go along with Burkert when he interprets the Arrhephoria as a ritual signifying the accession of the adolescent to adult woman. The age of the arrhephoroi falls, according to Aristophanes, somewhere between six and eleven years, and their service was the first of four steps Athenian girls had to accomplish before arriving at marriage. [124] In spite of Burkert’s evidence for the extremely low age of nubile girls among the Romans, it would not do to reverse the chronological order of the initiation stages indicated by Aristophanes. I would be inclined to think of the Arrhephoria as a rite of entry into adolescence rather than a rite of exit; it would represent a first ritual contact with sexuality and with its power of generation. Entry into adolescence is also a rite of passage, and the mythical death of the Cecropids as well as the ritual disappearance underground of the arrhephoroi are justified in this case as symbolic realizations of the status of neutrality and temporary annihilation that accompanies any transition from one state to another. Burkert has himself shown that the start of the Arrhephoria signifies for the girls a break with the family. The arrhephoroi do not leave their childhood under the control of the family to embrace immediately that of the married woman. That would be to forget the whole period of adolescence with its intermediary status, the institutions of which I shall define more exactly.

The myth of the Cecropids has therefore to do with illegitimate unions with young girls who, even after the consummation of these unions, remained virgins. Moreover, for the daughters of Cecrops, the revelation of sexuality has a fatal outcome. The features of fecundity that some interpreters have tried to find in this myth and in the rite based on it have a negative value. Such a negative qualification could confirm the interpretation of the Arrhephoria as a ritual consecrating the moment of segregation, then the marginality of the initiation process during which the girl is not yet ready for marriage; either by rape, or through the ill-omened vision of phallic images, she experiences the assaults of a sexuality she is not yet completely ready to assume.

3.1.7. Dionysus

It is not necessary to insist on the complexity of the figure of Dionysus. The Bacchae of Euripides shows the extent and also the ambiguity of the semantics of this deity. His field of influence covers the whole of the female experience, but turns on two opposing concepts—that of σωφροσύνη, temperance, wisdom, and that of μανία, frenzy, unreason. [130] Given that it is usually assumed that the bacchanalian orgy represents the reversal of civic order, it seems paradoxical to consider the dances of the Maenads as established women’s choruses. {134|135} Nevertheless, it has been recently shown that the ritual aspect of community plays an essential role in the groups of Maenads, and rituals such as the Agrio(/a)nia celebrated at Thebes and Orchomenos as well as at Argos show that we are concerned with true rites that have a founding legend. The reversal of the civic order was an integral part of this very order itself. The founding myth for the Agrionia of Orchomenos is the myth of the Minyades; for the Argive rite, one of the versions of the myth of the Proitides, and for the Theban festival, the legend of Pentheus. [131] The Minyades, like the Proitides in the second version of the myth given by Apollodorus, are seized by madness because they refuse the mysteries of Dionysus. Overcome by bacchic frenzy, the daughters of Minyas tear to pieces one of their children in the same way that Agave and her companions tore apart Pentheus in the Theban legend. And the Argive myth also recounts how the women of Argos followed the Proitides, who were still adolescent, in their mad flight and tore apart their own children.

The mythical chorus of the Maenads, the followers of Dionysus, has its replica in the different locations in which the god was celebrated. In the Theban legend, there were three choruses of women seized by bacchic frenzy, each led by one of the three daughters of Cadmos. It is probable that the three Proitides and the three Minyades were also the choregoi for the women who followed them in their wild course through the mountains. [132] The young girls are certainly not excluded from the Dionysiac mysteries, but the bacchic choruses were usually made up of married women: one of the effects of the Dionysiac frenzy was to abolish the differences in the social statuses, and then the delimitation between adolescent girl and married woman. The sparagmos of children by their own mothers was an essential part of the mythical ritual dedicated to Dionysus. It {135|136} represents the negation of the status of the married woman, wife and mother. But this moment of negation or rather regression to the state of an animal, as we have seen, was in turn part of what it denied: the status of married woman also included a period of return to an uncivilized state; it is fundamentally ambivalent. That is why the refusal of the adolescent Proitides and the refusal of the married Minyades to participate in the Dionysiac rites was a rejection of the condition that would be theirs in the future—or already was. The fact that Dionysus intervenes mainly in the domain of the married woman explains how the myth of the Proitides could move between the spheres of Dionysus and of Hera. [133]

Dionysus intervenes above all in the field reserved for wives and mothers: he is associated with Athena Skiras in the festival of the Athenian Oschophoria; he is celebrated for the same reason as Hera was by the college of sixteen Eleans; and he is a possible substitute for Hera in the myth of the Proitides. He represents the reversal of the legal matrimonial order, where the reversal is legalized and an integral part of the order itself. Thus at Patras on the banks of the River Meilichos, the children of the region offer up to Artemis the wreaths they wear and then proceed to the temple of Dionysus Aisymnetes, crowned with new garlands. The myth underlying this rite says that the παρθένος priestess of Artemis at Patras made love with her fiance in the temple of the goddess, transforming the sanctuary into a bridal chamber. Artemis sent famine and disease to the population, which was released by means of the human sacrifice of two young people. With its schema ‘sacrilege of the deity / sending of a plague / expiation by a rite symbolizing the death of the adolescents,’ it shows that the return to the temple of Dionysus of the children who have been purified in the river stands for their integration into the adult world. Leaving their old crowns for Artemis, they renounce the adolescence she embodies to take on the adult status represented by Dionysus, a Dionysus Meilichios, a Dionysus the Sweet, yielding, integrated into the city as its ruler (αἰσυμνήτης). [137]

3.1.8. Demeter

Near to the figure of Demeter, the Great Mother had a sanctuary that was supposed to be next to the house of Pindar in Thebes. The person who sang the Third Pythian, who may be the poet himself, promises that for Hieron he will invoke the help of the Mother, the goddess that young girls (κοῦραι) celebrated (μέλπονται) along with Pan in nocturnal festivals (ἐννύχιαι) near his house. Following the critical tradition of reconstructing the biography of the Archaic poets on apparent information given in their work, the scholiast commenting on these lines suggests that Rhea, identified traditionally with the Great Mother, had a temple near the poet’s house; in a second version, the scholiast explains in the same fictional vein that Pindar himself had built a sanctuary for the Mother of the gods and Pan. [145] The goddess is invoked here because she has the power to {139|140} give and withdraw illness and, in particular, to cure madness (μανία). In this she resembles Artemis, who sends famine and epidemics to her servants in Ephesos, while curing the Proitides of their madness. This overlapping of the influence of Artemis and the Theban Mother perhaps explains the presence of girls in the cult of a goddess who is principally the protector of adult women, being the one who gives birth to all life. Again according to the scholia of the third Pythian, the daughters of Pindar (Πινδάρου θυγατέρες), Protomache and Eumetis, were supposed to be among the adolescents participating in the ritual. [146]

3.1.9. The chorus and the pantheon

The above example of the relation of a rite performed by a girls’ chorus to the Alexandrian category of the partheneion leads to the conclusion of this first half of the chapter devoted to the cult context. Just as in the case of the Theban Daphnephoria, the compositions classified by the Alexandrians within the partheneia and associated poems were used in a great variety of cults. Their only common characteristic was that they were performed by a chorus of young girls.

In spite of the enormous variety of choral performances by women, the characteristics of the deities for whom they performed help us to make distinctions and to classify, to a degree, those “partheneia,” based on the circumstance of their performance. The first were dedicated to Artemis and Apollo; they were generally performed by young adolescents during rituals marking the stages of what I have described as a process of tribal initiation: the {140|141} adolescents sang a propitiatory song during the rite marking the beginning of the initiation, and at the closing ceremony they sang a song of thanksgiving for the successful completion of the process. But the closing ceremony of initiation was generally followed for the initiates by a ritual of integration into their new condition as adults. It is no longer Artemis or Apollo watching over the event, but Aphrodite, the goddess of love who inspires the grown girl, or Hera, the goddess of legal marriages who marks the exact moment for adolescents of their arrival at adult status; these two goddesses are also celebrated by choruses of girls, but grown, almost adult girls. Between these two poles, Athena plays an intermediate role, overseeing the civic aspect of the transition to adulthood. And finally, Dionysus and Demeter, the gods who protect above all the period after marriage, are celebrated by choruses of women rather than of girls.

This division among various gods of the moments marking the life of a woman from pre-puberty to wifehood differs according to the city under discussion. I shall now examine what this division looks like in Sparta.

3.2. Lacedaemonian rituals

As in the rest of Greece, musical and choral activity in Sparta was as much the responsibility of women as of men. As regards the women’s, it was mainly young girls who sang in choruses generally dedicated to Artemis. Beyond the privileged relationship between Artemis and adolescence, which I have attempted to show, the goddess held a special position in Sparta, equally as important as Hera’s position in Argos or Athena’s in Athens.

3.2.1. Artemis Artemis Limnatis

In his account of the causes of the first Messenian war, it is in this sanctuary that Pausanias places the rape by the Messenians of the young Lacedaemonian girls (παρθένους) who were celebrating Artemis. Pausanias gives two versions of the event, one Laconian, the other Messenian. [156] According to the first, the Laconian girls present at the ritual for Artemis Limnatis were raped by the Messenians, who also killed the king of Sparta, Teleklos, when he tried to intervene. This version adds that, after having been raped, the young girls committed suicide for shame. The Messenians report that Teleklos had plotted to overthrow the aristocracy controlling Messene and rule the country. Profiting by the gathering of Messenian lords at the sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis, the {143|144} Spartan king chose young beardless Spartan youths (ἀγένειοι νεανίσκοι) whom he armed and disguised as girls (ὡς παρθένους). Sent to the temple of Artemis, they went in to where the Messenians were sleeping to assassinate them, but they were discovered by their adversaries who killed them, along with Teleklos who accompanied them. The Lacedaemonian version is repeated by Strabo, who gives it as the cause of the first Messenian war. [157] Since this war began between 743 and 736, according to modern historians, the Lacedaemonian version offers a relative measure of how far back the presence of young Spartan girls in the sanctuary of Limnai goes, and of the antiquity of the rite performed there for Artemis. [158] Incorporating in their plot the rape and suicide of young girls or an act of transvestism of males, these two semi-historical stories look like two different aitia of the cult celebrated for Artemis Limnatis.

Actually, in the different passages in which he mentions the rite that the Spartan girls were performing when they were raped, Strabo gives us a description of the cult. He speaks of sacrifice (θυσία) and, more generally, of religious service (ἱερουργία); he adds that the sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis was the location of a great festival and of a joint sacrifice offered by Messenians and Lacedaemonians together (κοινὴν συνετέλουν πανήγυριν καὶ θυσίαν). Pausanias uses the more general term for festival (ἑορτή) to describe the ritual. Neither of them mentions a choral performance. However, two facts allow us to presume that the Lacedaemonian girls raped by the Messenians were performing a choral dance for Artemis Limnatis.

To this typically adolescent characteristic of the legend, associated as a kind of aition with the cult of Limnatis, can be added a votive epigram containing all the features I have defined as signifying female virginity. [161] This epigram, addressed to Artemis Limnatis without further qualification, might express the vows of a young Spartan girl or of any young girl of Patras, Tegea or Sicyon. It is significant in that it describes the objects that an adolescent girl (κόρα), Timareta, daughter of Timaretos (παῖς Τιμαρετεία), dedicates to Limnatis the virgin (κόρα), daughter of Leto (Λητῴα), before her marriage (πρὸ γάμοιο). It is obvious that the words used betray the semantic features ‘adolescence’ + ‘female’ and ‘family association’ which describe exactly and significantly both the young girl Timareta and Artemis. Among the objects dedicated to the goddess are the tambourines (τύμπανα) of the young maiden, her ball (σφαῖρα), the net that held back her hair (κεκρύφαλος), and her dolls (κόρας). The adolescent significance of the ball game is already present in Homer in the scene in which Nausicaa, like Artemis surrounded by her Nymphs, plays with her attendants; the consecration of the hairnet can be aligned with the consecration of hair by the Delian girls to the Hyperborean virgins, hypostases of Artemis. [162] The presence of the dolls, not previously seen, is an obvious symbol of childhood; their description as κόραι again repeats the word that is applied in the epigram to both Timareta and Artemis; as for the tambourines, I shall explain their function later, in the study of the cult of Artemis Korythalia. [163] All the objects dedicated by Timareta are thus associated with adolescence. Their dedication to Artemis signifies for the young girl the end of the period that they symbolize, and at the same time probably the transition to adulthood through marriage. The semantic constellation contained in these anonymous lines depicts the function of the cult of Artemis Limnatis as a preparation for the adolescent to adulthood. This image corresponds to the image of violence of which the girls celebrating Limnatis were victims.

And finally, the location of the sanctuary of Limnatis on the boundary between the territories of Laconia and Messenia defines it as a sanctuary of the periphery, of distance from the order of the city, and a further sign of the adolescent and initiatory character of the cult celebrated there. There is more; a note of Tacitus tells us that this sanctuary was not only on the boundary between two hostile countries, but also in the interior of the ager Dentheliatis. [175] This area, a sort of no man’s land, was apparently constantly disputed by Messenians and Lacedaemonians until Roman times. In his study of the armed struggle between Eretria and Chalcis for possession of the Lelantine Plain and that between Argos and Sparta for the Thyreatid, Brelich shows the mythical and ritual values of this type of war. [176] These traditional struggles in a liminal setting, associated by authors who write about them with historical events, take on a very precise political and religious function. In relation to the cults of Artemis and Apollo they serve the agonistic education of young warriors. This function is similar to that of the cult of Artemis Limnatis, as we have seen in the apate of the Messenian version of the cause of the first war. This story, astride both founding myth and historical discourse, corresponds in its structure to the stories of the wars for the Lelantine Plain and the Thyreatid which also combine both historical and legendary elements. Thus these stories, among which Brelich includes the ones about the first Messenian war and the cult of Artemis Limnatis, confirm by form and content the adolescent character of the cult. Artemis Karyatis

The impossibility of identifying the story with a historical event shows the semi-mythical nature of Aristomenes. It also shows that the story contains certain features of a traditional nature, all the more since the event has not been defined historically. Here again it is not impossible that the account of the “historical” event has been fleshed out with elements belonging to the founding myth of the cult. Such a process is all the more probable since the invasion of the temple of Karyatis, symbol of the Messenian revolt, repeats the theme of the causes of the first war with Messenia and the subjugation of the country symbolized by the Spartan invasion of the sanctuary of Limnatis. And if it is true that Pausanias takes a good deal of his information in the first part of the book dedicated to Messenia from the epic poem of Rhianos, in other words the {151|152} Messenian version of the facts, [185] then the story of Karyai, with a Messenian bias, is the complement of the Messenian version of the events of Limnai. Just as at Limnai, the murder of the Spartan boys disguised as girls (in fact an initiatory episode) seems justified from the Messenian point of view as a legitimate defensive reaction to the Spartan trick, so also at Karyai, the abduction and attempted rape (also initiatory) are not marked negatively, since Aristomenes forbids the soldiers to rape the girls and returns them to Sparta. By abducting the girls Aristomenes simply intended to affect the ruling class in Sparta, just as in the Messenian version of events at Limnai the Spartan ruse was directed at the highest dignitaries of Messenia. The story by Pausanias of the Messenians at Karyai shows how two sequences from the founding myth of adolescent rituals, abduction and rape, can be absorbed into a tale with a historical character, the aim of which is the ideological defense of a political action.

Defining the boundaries between historical events, legendary stories and their ideological value can give us a preliminary interpretation of the cult of Artemis Karyatis. The dance of the Karyatides, whose name ending in -ίδ- implies the features ‘collective’ and ‘geographical belonging,’ the abduction and attempted violence depict this cult as characteristic of female adolescence. It remains to be known whether the ritual described by the sources symbolizes separation in the tribal initiation rite or reintegration and admission to the adult order.

Brelich considers it possible to integrate the episode of abduction and rape with the few elements we possess of what must have constituted the founding legend of the cult of Artemis Karyatis. [186] In a commentary by Lactantius on the Thebaid of Statius, the chorus of maidens dancing for Artemis at Karyai (cum luderent virgines), fearing some misfortune would overcome them (meditatus ruinam chorus), took refuge in a nut tree and hanged themselves from a branch. Lactantius adds that the Greeks call this species of nut tree carya. He says that the goddess and her sanctuary take their name from this tree. [187] The suicide of the Karyatides naturally recalls that of the Spartan virgins after being raped by the Messenians near the sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis. This suicide, in the adolescent context of the rite of Karyai, can be interpreted as the symbol of an initiatory death in the same way as that at Limnai. This semantic similarity suggests that the misfortune the Karyatides were escaping was abduction and rape. Certainly in the Limnai story the suicide of the girls is provoked by rape, whereas at Karyai, it is the fear of rape. The latter motive is not without parallels. {152|153} It is the cause of the suicide of Aspalis in the myth that I have connected with the cult of Limnatis. In the same way, rape, either suffered or feared, stands in opposition to the accepted idea of dominated sexuality in the case of the adult woman. The conjecture advanced by Brelich would then be confirmed and it would be believable that the misfortune feared by the young suicides of Karyai was the experience of a violent sexuality for which they were unprepared.

If the suicide of the Karyatides suggests an initiatory death, the myth attached to the sanctuary of Artemis Karyatis and consequently the rite it founds appears to signify the first stage of initiation, that is, the withdrawal from the old order. From a narrative point of view, the etymological explanation of the Lactantius story justifies its interpretation as the aition for the Karyai rite.

Another mythological element in a later source hints at the probable relation of the cult of Artemis Karyatis to that of Dionysus. Servius relates that Apollo wanted to thank Dion, king of Laconia, for his hospitality and the cult instituted for him, so he conferred on the three daughters of the king, Orphe, Lyko, and Karya, the gift of divination. Dionysus was on his way to Sparta but fell in love with Karya and made her his lover. Karya’s sisters were opposed to the love of the god: he abducted them in anger, took them to Taygetos, and changed them into stones. As for Karya, the god changed her into a nut tree. According to Servius, it was Artemis who told this to the Laconians and that is why they founded a sanctuary dedicated to Artemis Karyatis. [188] The myth contains various matters of interest. First, there is the sequence of adult violence invading the domain of intact sexuality of the adolescent, as we saw in Lactantius’ myth. The semantic and syntactic analogy between the two myths continues with the death of the maidens, which appears to be the consequence of violence done to them. In both cases, the death is associated with a nut tree; but in the first myth it is suicide, in the second, a metamorphosis. The transformation into a tree is one of the essential moments of a whole series of stories about the first sexual experience of adolescence. [189] It may be significant that the three daughters of Dion, although not specifically described by Servius as adolescent, fall under the jurisdiction of Apollo because of the gift of divination he gave them. Dionysus, in {153|154} his semantic character as divinity of the young adult woman, would then introduce adult sexuality into the sphere of adolescence that is under the jurisdiction of Apollo or Artemis. The resistance that Dionysus meets in the sisters of Karya, and its mortal consequences for the girls, are certainly characteristic elements of adolescent myths. Once again, a pubescent girl awakens the desire of a man, but cannot assume normal sexual relations with him. [190] Artemis Orthia

In the first, Helen was abducted by Idas and Lynceus, sons of Aphareus, to give her to Theseus. The latter refused to give her up to her brothers, the Dioskouroi. The motives for the gift and the refusal are not known. This version is found in the context of the struggle between the Tyndaridai, Lacedaemonian heroes, and the Apharetidai, Messenian heroes, particularly in connection with {159|160} the abduction of the Leukippides; I shall discuss later the cult founded by the Spartans for these two heroines.

As I said in the introduction, the gloss of a single line in the first fragment of Alcman is the basis for the opinion of many scholars that the poem was performed in the Orthia rituals. Chronologically, it is possible. And it would be strange for Alcman never to have written a composition for a cult that occupied a central place in the life of the Spartan community. However, two philological points need to be made before introducing the emendation in line 61 of fragment 1, making this a ritual poem dedicated to Orthia. The emendation requires the change from ορθριαι, as given in the papyrus, to ορθιαι proposed by the scholion. The objections given by philologists to this emendation are the following: the long ι of Ὀρθία does not fit the trochaic meter of the beginning of line 61, and linguistically the form ϝορθία only appears in inscriptions from the sixth century, whereas inscriptions going back to the seventh century only use the form ϝορθασία, which corresponds to the Ὀρθωσία in Pindar’s Third Olympian, or ϝορθαία (/-εία). [245] The question should be addressed in the larger framework of the whole fragment. Philologically, the insurmountable morphological obstacle raised by the term Orthia prevents the insertion of this poem in the cult of Artemis Orthia. Central to Archaic Sparta’s religious and social life as the cult may have been, Alcman’s poetic activity, in the present state of our documentation, seems paradoxically to have no connection with it. Artemis Korythalia

This strange ritual poses various problems. Let us begin with an analysis of the epiclesis of Artemis in this cult. The term Korythalia derives from korythale, a laurel branch used in rituals and defined by the metaphor implied by the term and by analogy with the eiresione, the Athenian equivalent of the Spartan korythale. [248] According to the ancients, the korythale, the budding branch (κόρος, θάλλειν), was carried on becoming an ephebe and on entering marriage, because these ceremonies were about the growth of boys and girls (ἡβησάντων τῶν νέων καὶ θυγατέρων). In accordance with the signified implied by the name, it appears then as the symbol of the growth process in children and adolescents, and was intended to be stimulated by the ceremonies in which it was carried and by the divinity presiding over the rituals. Artemis herself is called Korythalia, goddess of the flowering of young branches, because she promotes growth in babies. This name is not pure metaphor, though: Artemis also promotes the growth of noncultivated vegetation itself; as we have previously noted, she is concerned as much with the savage vegetable world as with the animal or the human. [249] The quality of protector of growth on all levels that the signified Korythalia attributes to the figure of Artemis is found in Athenian rituals during which the eiresione was carried. The parallel functions of the eiresione or the korythale and the probable initiatory character of the rites of 6 Mounichion and of the Pyanopsia could confirm the interpretation given by the ancients of the {170|171} symbolic value of the korythale. [250] Naming the protector goddess of the Tithenidia, a festival for babies, as Korythalia shows that the rites which fell under her jurisdiction covered the whole process of growth from early childhood to adulthood.

The presence of nurses, thus of adult women, in the cult of Artemis Korythalia can only be justified insofar as these women are the intermediaries assuring the growth of young Spartans. Imbued with this function, they guarantee that for each child Artemis’ role of promoting growth will be exercised. Just as Korythaleia was the nurse of Apollo, so they are the {171|172} Korythaliai of the future citizens and, supposing that the conjecture proposed above holds, their orgiastic dances could stimulate the powers of growth possessed by the goddess and transmit those powers to the babies.

It is therefore not possible to interpret the Tithenidia as a simple festival of fertility based only on the bacchic flavor of the dances of the korythalistriai. Such an interpretation would not take into account the particular function of these dances in an Artemisian context; it would confuse a whole series of rites that have a specific and distinct role by sticking the same “fertility rite” label on them all. In the same way as the function of savage nature differs according to whether it is the context for Artemis or Dionysus, and in the same way as the divine dancers in such a landscape assume the role of Nymphs or of Maenads according to the deity they attend upon, so do the ritual dances described as bacchic play a different role in an Artemisian or a Dionysiac context.

Dances with an orgiastic character appear in several parts of Greece. [255] Even in Sparta, Artemis Korythalia is not the only one to be honored with bacchanalian dances. I have mentioned that dances by young Spartan girls at Karyai for Artemis Karyatis could have the same character; that, at any rate, would explain why they disappeared and were replaced by bucolic songs in the fifth century. On the other hand, the existence of an epigram attesting to the consecration of tambourines to Artemis Limnatis introduces similar Dionysiac connotations. [256] The use of tambourines links the Dionysiac element to the ritual character of the dance. Located in the mountains, in the foothills of Taygetos, and near a spring, the cult of Artemis Dereatis, known only from a brief note of Pausanias, also included dances thought of as indecent by the ancients. [257] Finally, such dances were probably not foreign to the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia; votive terra-cotta masks, found round the temple, can be linked to a gloss of Hesychius which mentions female Laconian masks worn by disguised dancers to perform satyr-like dances. Recently these masks, representing young unbearded men and hoplites, but also old women and caricatured figures, have been interpreted as referring to the ambivalent means used in the initiatory education of the young Spartans: the sufferings of the {172|173} athletic and military trials, the fear provoked by satyr-like and grotesque figures. [258] These masks recall in any case the wooden masks worn by the κυριττοί to celebrate Artemis Korythalia.

3.2.2. Apollo: The Hyakinthia

This rough sketch of ritual practices culled from heterogeneous sources has not yet given us an idea of the cultic and social function of this festival. The only characteristic not seen in other festivals I have discussed is the involvement of all sectors of the civic body, from children to adults of both sexes. To begin to understand such a complex ritual, one must first ask to which divine being this festival was dedicated. Heretofore the problem has generally been dealt with historically. The formation in -νθ- in the term Ὑάκινθος has been taken as proof that the hero represents a pre-Hellenic deity, celebrated from the time of the {177|178} Minoan founding of the town and gradually displaced by Apollo with the spread of the Greek pantheon. [276] Without wishing to enlarge on conjectures about the history of the Hyakinthia, I will simply say that in the Archaic and Classical periods pertinent to my thesis the two supernatural beings cohabited at Amyklai, also in the physical meaning of the word, since the tomb of Hyakinthos was in the pedestal of the monumental statue of Apollo, as has been pointed out. This statue, says Pausanias, was not the work of Bathycles, who had constructed in the mid sixth century the famous throne of Amyklai; rather, it was an Archaic work with a rough form reminiscent of the protogeometric xoana. [277] It is thus certain that from the beginning of the Archaic period the cults of the two supernatural beings were associated without their being identified with each other. [278]

The separation of the two supernatural beings, one a god, the other a hero, is also present in the myths associated with the Hyakinthia, each having his own character and function.

One of the scenes on the tomb of Hyakinthos represents Demeter, Kore and Hephaistos, the Moirai and the Seasons, along with Aphrodite, Athena, and Artemis leading the hero and his sister Polyboia, depicted as a young virgin (ἔτι παρθένον), up to the sky. [283] This relief probably dates from approximately the same period as the statue of Apollo, the pedestal of which was the tomb of Hyakinthos. It is at least not earlier than the middle of the sixth century when Bathycles constructed and sculpted the throne that served as support for the statue. This ascension scene of Hyakinthos and of his sister Polyboia to Olympus represents the final event in the legendary history of the two heroes. The most ancient form of the myth is given in a brief allusion in Euripides’ {179|180} Helen and tells how Apollo accidentally killed Hyakinthos in competing with him at throwing the discus. [284] Some sources, all from the Hellenistic period, add that Hyakinthos was the beloved of Apollo. [285] Most interpreters of the Hyakinthia see in this later addition of the love of the god for the hero a proof of the gradual absorption of the originally independent cult of Hyakinthos into that of Apollo. By turning the hero from an adult deity into a young effeminate lover, the myth of Hyakinthos would have been made banal and reduced to a sheer motif of Alexandrian literariness. [286] True, Pausanias in describing the reliefs on the tomb says that Hyakinthos wore a beard, whereas later, Nicias, a sculptor at the end of the fourth century, depicted him in the flower of adolescence looking like Apollo’s Ganymede. [287] But it is generally overlooked that Pausanias also notes that Polyboia on the relief looks like an adolescent, and so it is likely either that Hyakinthos is wearing not his full adult beard, but his first youthful beard, as a young man about to become adult, or that he is taken to the sky as an adult. The myth thus seems to show Hyakinthos and Polyboia as adolescent heroes already during the Archaic period [288]

In spite of the ambiguities, the various elements surrounding the figure of the Amyklaian hero sketch out a myth and a cult of adolescence. One cannot deny a priori that Hyakinthos was honored in the beginning as an adult. But the scene on his tomb and the text of Euripides’ Helen persuade me to believe that since the eighth century at any rate, as the Hyakinthia developed as a Spartan rather than a local festival, Hyakinthos is represented with adolescent features.

This contrast between the funerary sacrifice to Hyakinthos and the joyful rituals offered to Apollo is surely central to any interpretation of the festival of the Hyakinthia. Viewed as the necessary succession of two ritual phases in the same festival, it seems to translate a sort of passage from death to life. If one accepts Brelich’s initiatory interpretation, which seems to explain the presence of Apollo, the Hyakinthia could be the final ceremony of a process of tribal initiation. From the annihilation of the old order, from death and mourning, we pass to a new life marked by the joy of resurrection. This process is dramatized in the myth of Hyakinthos: the youth, killed by Apollo, the god of adolescence, in a competition of discus throwing, consequently in an adolescent exercise, is carried off to the sky where he takes on the new status of hero. After a short period of death, he is reborn and begins a new life with his sister Polyboia. The Hyakinthia may have been the annual ritual repetition of this mythological drama, which provided the festival’s significance.

There are many rites in the Hyakinthia which could be seen as a celebration of the end of initiation for young citizens in Sparta. It has been said that the paean to Apollo could be sung before or after a trial representing some sort of danger, as a hymn of propitiation or gratitude. It would then take its place after a successful outcome of the trial. In addition, the children with their musical and choral performances would prove to the assembled city what they had learned during the period of initiation. The local and traditional character of the songs and dances stood in direct relation with the past of the city that the children thus revitalized at each festival. These features of ‘spectacle’ and ‘public’ also define the children riding on horseback through the theater and the girls in procession riding on the kannathra. In spite of the conjectural character of these suggestions, I would not be surprised if the spectacle mentioned by Polycrates as a high point in the second day of festivities was actually a presentation to the townspeople of the new boy and girl initiates. As Hyakinthos and Polyboia, the young Lacedaemonians were born again on the second day to a new life, for which they expressed their thanks to Apollo. Their imminent integration into the adult community was of interest to one and all, hence, as Polycrates says, the town emptied itself entirely on the occasion of the spectacle. {182|183}

Once more, the post-war publications of papyri shed new light on the poet Alcman and give us reasons, although slight and subject to discussion, to connect his name with the festival of the Hyakinthia. The same fragment of an hypomnema, containing several lines of the poem in which the choregos Agesidamos and the chorus of Dymainai appear, reproduces a few supplementary lines, in support of a discussion of the poet’s Lydian origins, where the words Amyklai, near the Eurotas and Atarnides can be read. These lines begin with the feminine ἄκουσα, and it is very probable that the poem was sung by a chorus of young girls; the chorus might have been situated at Amyklai and might be describing its own activity there, or it might be describing another female chorus singing at Amyklai (ἄκουσα τᾶν ἀηδ[όνων). [297] Whether this fragment is by {184|185} Alcman or not—the attribution of the poem depends on how one interprets the first words of the commentary—the commentator certainly used these lines as proof of the compatibility of Alcman’s foreign origins and his activity as chorus-master of the girls and boys (διδάσκαλος τῶν θυγατέρων καὶ ἐφή[βω]ν) of Sparta, preparing civic choruses (πατρίο[ις] χοροῖς). One can deduce that the fragment gave the example of a poem in which Alcman describes himself or is described as a foreigner, and is linked to a chorus engaged in a typical Spartan festival. In the hypomnema the festival is called the Hyakinthia; as regards Alcman’s name, I suggest it can be seen in the Ἀταρνίδα in line 15. [298] Foreign poet, but one involved in the civic and religious life of Sparta, Alcman seems to have been active in both the festivals of Artemis Karyatis and the Hyakinthia. I shall return to the pedagogical role the poet seems to have played for the chorus, according to the papyrus commentary.

3.2.3. Leukippides and Dionysiades

Although no female chorus is involved in the cult honoring the Leukippides, the association of the eleven Dionysiades with the two sisters in the cult of Dionysus Kolonatas offers an invitation to clear up the problems arising from the myths and the cult associated with the ambiguous figures of these twin cult figures —ambiguous because both myth and cult place these two and their priestesses among the young girls and among the married women.

We are better informed about the Spartan cult of Dionysus. According to Pausanias, this cult served as a framework for two different practices: on the one hand, a double sacrifice made by the Dionysiades and the Leukippides to the anonymous hero who introduced Dionysus into the city and to Dionysus himself, and on the other, a footrace (δρόμου ἀγῶνα) in which the eleven Dionysiades competed.

It is difficult to identify all the characters on the krater. The center of the frieze has three young girls who could represent a chorus or a group of two surrounding the third daughter of Leukippos, Arsinoe. From this point, two quadrigae move away, each carrying one of the Tyndaridai and one of the Leukippides. A woman waving farewell and a seated man could be the parents of the Leukippides, while a person standing behind one of the quadrigae and holding laurel branches is certainly Apollo. The other quadriga is accompanied by a woman with the same coiffure as the woman identified as the mother of the Leukippides. Is this Artemis, complementing the figure of Apollo on the other side of the scene, or an adult divinity? The interpreter can only conjecture. The Dioskouroi are represented as young men with their first beard and are also crowned with laurel. There is no hint of violence in the scene, and the abduction seems to be completely accepted by the characters present.

In the scene painted by Meidias, however, the abduction takes place under the eyes of Aphrodite, of Peitho, of Agave, and of Zeus, who are gathered round an altar. The two quadrigae of the Dioskouroi are placed above the deities on each side of a statue of an unidentifiable goddess. If Zeus and Aphrodite watch the scene unmoved, Peitho flees the abduction, which symbolizes the opposite of what she stands for: convincing the loved one to accept her lover’s seductive advances. In spite of uncertainty about some of the identities in these scenes, the presence of Apollo in one of the friezes and that of Zeus and Aphrodite in the other shows that the abduction of the Leukippides on a religious level oscillates between the domain of adolescence and the semantic values of the adult world.

After this, it is easier to see what place the two heroines play in the cult of Dionysus Kolonatas. On the point of becoming adult, they have the right to be initiated into the mysteries of Dionysus. If we accept the suggestion that the hero they honor before sacrificing to Dionysus is a hypostasis of Apollo, if not Apollo himself, one could even propose that the Apollonian pre-sacrifice was the last honor given to adolescence before passing to the adult cult of Dionysus. Morphologically, the structure of the ritual of the cult would be identical to that of the Hyakinthia, in which the sacrifice to Hyakinthos represented the moment of annihilation before recognition by Apollo and the civic community of a completed adolescence. But, semantically, the cult appears in a different light; the myth behind it suggests that it was addressed to young girls ready to marry, or to young wives who had just been carried off. In relation to the Hyakinthia it stands at a later point in the development of women: if the Hyakinthia marked the end of adolescence and the completion of tribal initiation, the cult of Dionysus Kolonatas could represent one of the rituals marking the entrance of young initiates to the condition of adult women and their full acceptance of this condition.

3.2.4. Helen

The famous Laconian evocation at the end of the Lysistrata depicts the dances of young Spartan girls (κόραι) who, like mares (πῶλοι) and Bacchants, toss their hair and disport themselves along the banks of the Eurotas. Under the aegis of Amyklaian Apollo, Athena Khalkioikos and the Tyndaridai, these dances are led by Helen, the daughter of Leda (Λήδας παῖς), the divine and resplendent choregos (ἁγνὰ χοραγὸς εὐπρεπής), whose role has been previously analyzed.

These two literary descriptions cannot be used to reconstitute a cult of Helen, but they contain several points in common with the picture that the twelve chorus-members singing the Epithalamium of Helen by Theocritus make of their activity as girls among other adolescents. [320] The chorus imagines the young Lacedaemonians gamboling on the banks of the Eurotas and forming a troop (νεολαία) of four-times-sixty adolescents, all of the same age. There are no dances in this passage, only a footrace (δρόμος). Among these girls Helen occupies a privileged position: she spins and weaves better than the others and can celebrate Artemis and Athena on the lyre better than anyone else. However, adds the chorus that sings her praises, Helen is now the young wife of Menelaus. At this point in the text there is a significant break (marked by the passage from {192|193} she to you, then by the μέν … δέ of lines 38ff.): the chorus evokes the past, then moves on to the present. As a young wife, Helen no longer joins in the activities of adolescence and has withdrawn from the group of which she was the erstwhile jewel. This is the reason why, as the movement of Theocritus’ text clearly shows, as soon as the new status of married woman embraced by the heroine is mentioned, the chorus of young girls express their intention of honoring her memory for the first time in a cult. On the very spot of their former races, adolescent girls will celebrate Helen by dedicating to her a lotus wreath and pouring a libation of oil on the roots of the plane-tree which will henceforth be the heroine’s tree and will mark the site of her cult.

Thus, at the moment when Helen’s adolescence is a thing of the past and she has become an adult woman, a mythical value is given to her activity as an adolescent and it becomes a sort of aition giving rise to the ritual destined to perpetuate her memory. I shall now investigate whether there is a similarity between the information Theocritus gives about the cult and what we know from other sources. But before studying the rites of this cult, I want first to establish its locality.

I have said that in the myth of Helen’s abduction by Theseus, the Tyndaridai are the saviors of the heroine. This association of the two brothers with their sister reappears on the level of cult, since the Dioskouroi, present everywhere in Sparta, were honored especially in places near where Helen was honored; for example on the Dromos, where the twin gods, worshipped as “starters,” probably presided over the races of the neoi, or at the Phoibaion not far from Therapnai, where the Dioskouroi had a temple in the enclosure of which the ephebes made sacrifice, as I have mentioned, before going to contend at the Platanistas. [340] {199|200} According to a fragmentary commentary on a poem by Alcman, the Dioskouroi were even honored at the same time as Menelaus and Helen at Therapnai; however, this cultic association seems to have happened only in the Archaic period, since only Alcman and Pindar mention it. [341] For an unknown reason, the cult of the Tyndaridai was moved in order to be situated near the Phoibaion and on the Dromos. Whatever the reason, the presence of the Dioskouroi at the races of young citizens and at the fights of the ephebes is not surprising, since in Sparta as in the rest of Greece the twin heroes were regarded as models for the young warrior and for the young champion in sports. The inventors of military music, the Dioskouroi administered, according to Pindar, all the games organized in Sparta εὐρύχορος. [342] Although this cannot serve as proof, one could say that just as the double cult of Helen was addressed to young girls and at the same time to married women or to women about to marry, the Dioskouroi presided over contests intended for adolescents as well as for men who, as young soldiers and as young citizens, had just ceased to be ephebes. The sons and daughter of Tyndareus all seem to promise a transition whose masculine aspect expresses itself in the accession to citizenship and to the status of soldier, and whose feminine counterpart is embodied in the acquisition of full sexual maturity which, denoted by the quality of beauty, has its corollary in the status of wife and of mother according to the usual Greek gender distinctions.

3.2.5. The Lacedaemonian cycle of initiation

In this overview of Spartan rituals in which choruses of young girls play a role, most of the ritual practices I have examined are part of a formative process in the transition of future members of the city from childhood to adulthood. I have used the universal form of tribal initiation rites as a comparison with Laconian rituals, and some readers may consider this a mechanical application. Is this not a trick of interpretation? Is this procedure not basically a reductive analysis?

Since the rituals chosen depended on the presence of choral dances performed by girls or women, and since it was established that choral activity was essentially adolescent, it is natural that our attention has been focused on festivals preparing for or consecrating the transition of adolescents to maturity. There are, however, two great Spartan festivals which I have had to omit in order to remain faithful to the criteria chosen at the beginning (presence of choral dances by young girls), namely the Karneia and the Gymnopaidiai.

As for the Gymnopaidiai, the answer is less clear. According to the different sources we have, the choral performances in them were by ephebes (ἔφηβοι), children/adolescents and adults (παῖδες, ἄνδρες), children/adolescents, adults and old men (παῖδες, ἀκμάζοντες, γέροντες). [350] The evidence for the participation of children and adults [351] is given by the Laconian historian Sosibios, who is probably more trustworthy than the numerous later sources who see in the Gymnopaidiai a ritual only for children and adolescents. Their interpretation, which tends to be etymological, may have been influenced by the name of the ritual. In honor of Apollo, the choruses performed songs composed by the great poets of Archaic Sparta such as Thaletas, Alcman or Dionysodotos. Their dances took place on the agora, in the area called the Choros, the Dance Area, opposite the statues of Pythian Apollo, Artemis, and Leto.These choral performances certainly had a military significance, since a tradition began after the battle of Thyrea in 544 of singing paeans in honor of the fallen warriors. Brelich has pointed out the ritual element taken on by the constant struggle of the Spartans against the Argives for the possession of the frontier territory of Thyreatis. [352] The connection of the Gymnopaidiai with a war that was ritual and traditional rather than fortuitous suggests that this festival had its origins in the military training of citizen-soldiers. On the other hand, the analogy of this festival with the Arcadian Apodeixeis and the Endymatia of Argos, during which young citizens discarded their adolescent clothes to put on the costume of an adult, might suggest integration into the soldier’s life of the recently inducted ephebes, a function similar to that of the Karneia. [353] Whatever role this ritual played, the elements I have mentioned have nothing to do with female adolescence. The presence of adult men, let alone old men, makes this a festival that goes far beyond the integration of future soldiers into adult life, and probably Apollo’s presence there has more to do with his propitiatory function before a military campaign than with his role as protector of children and adolescents.

An attempt to organize the rites examined here into a cult calendar leads to a relatively coherent pattern, but because of the often hypothetical interpretations I have given of these festivals, my synthesis can only be conjectural.

The reconstruction of rites marking the initiation cycle for Spartan girls begins with a large question mark. It would be tempting to place the start of the cycle in the rites dedicated to Artemis Orthia, and most of the evidence about this cult, generally spotty and contradictory as it is, indeed points in the direction of prepuberty; however, it is impossible to be more specific.

On the other hand, the two parallel cults of Artemis Limnatis and Artemis Karyatis very probably mark the beginning of puberty for young adolescents. By being situated on the confines of Spartan territory, these sanctuaries were all designed for the period of separation seen in all tribal initiation rites. The myths associated with these rites confirm this hypothesis to the extent that, with the refusal of adult sexuality and the onset of the moment of annihilation and death, they mark the separation of pubescent girls from childhood and their entry into a period of chaos and denial of both the old order and the new order of adulthood.

The rituals of the Hyakinthia, in contrast, mark the presentation to the citizens of the boys and girls who are the principal element, probably signifying the end of seclusion and tribal initiation. At any rate, this process seems to follow the sequence ‘mourning—joy’ which constitutes the structure of the festival. The completed process of initiation must be filled out with rites consecrating the integration of the initiates into the adult world. This is the role played by the cults of the Leukippides and Helen. It is significant that in Aristophanes, as in Euripides, these heroines are associated with Apollo Amyklaian, deity of adolescence, and with Athena Khalkioikos and the Tyndaridai, who embody the qualities of young citizens. Also, by their contact with the rites of Dionysus and their acquisition of the quality of beauty, a sign of the physical maturity characteristic of the cults of the Leukippides and Helen, young girls enter into possession of the features connected in Greece with the gender representation of the adult woman. These two cults thus stand at the axis between the end of initiation and the entry into the world of adults.

With the Tithenidia, the cycle, as it were, closes, since some of the girls, now adult, reappear as nurses of the newly born, future citizens. The closing of the cycle would be perfect if the nurses then brought their baby girls into the sanctuary of Artemis Korythalia; however there is no mention of this.

My brief attempt at a synthesis shows the possibility, at least hypothetical, of reconstructing an initiation cycle for the future brides of the citizens. I shall now analyze its institutional forms and examine the education that adolescent girls received in Sparta.


[ back ] 1. Η. Ap. 186ff.; Bacch. 17.100ff.; H. Ven. 259ff.

[ back ] 2. Pind. P. 10.31ff., see also Bacch. 3.58ff., with the bibliography given by Page, Sappho, p. 251 n. 1, and by Maehler, Bakchylides II, pp. 51f.

[ back ] 3. Hom. Il. 1.601ff.; Eur. IA 1036ff.

[ back ] 4. Aes. Prov. 9.

[ back ] 5. Eur. Tr. 551ff.: the chorus is made up of young girls since Hecuba calls them κόραι (line 446); IA 1467ff.; Hec. 462ff.: the chorus consists of women rather than girls (lines 475 and 657), but Talthybios calls them Τρῳάδες κόραι (line 485); on the Deliades, see below pp. 104ff.; IT 1143ff.; Hel. 375ff.: the chorus is formed by young captive girls (Ἑλλανίδες κόραι, line 193); the legend of the daughter of Merops has no parallel (see H. Kruse, RE 15 [1931], s.v. Merops [1], col. 1066), but Ant. Lib. 15 reports the metamorphosis that the grandchildren of Merops had to undergo, the result of an insult to Artemis and Athena: see below n. 128.

[ back ] 6. Artemis is called in turn θυγάτηρ, κόρη/κούρα, παῖς, παρθένος and τέκνον of Zeus or Leto: Roscher, Suppl. 1, pp. 46ff.

[ back ] 7. Hom. Il. 16.179ff.: on virginal unions, see above p. 64; H. Ven. 117ff. and 133; on Hermes as abductor, see W. H. Roscher in Roscher, s.v. Hermes, col. 2372.

[ back ] 8. Eur. Ηel. 1310ff.; H. Cer. 5ff. and 417ff.; for the participation of Artemis and Athena in the chorus of the Oceanides, see Ν. J. Richardson, The Homeric Hymn to Demeter, Oxford 1974, pp. 290ff., with the remarks of pp. 140ff. on this chorus.

[ back ] 9. Paus. 6.22.9, see 5.14.6; on the other versions of the legend, see H. W. Stoll in Roscher, s.v. Alpheios, Farnell, Cults, pp. 428 and 558f., and P. Ellinger, La légende nationale phocidienne, Paris 1993, pp. 40ff.; this aition can also be found, among others, in Telesilla, fr. 717 P, in a fragment that could well be taken from a partheneion (see Choeurs II, p. 174 n. 70). On other scenes of abduction and rape, see Zeitlin, “Rape,” pp. 127ff., and G. Doblofer, Vergewaltigung in der Antike, Stuttgart-Leipzig 1994, pp. 83ff.

[ back ] 10. Xen. Eph. 1.2ff., Ant. Lib. 1, Aristaenet. 1.10, see Call. Aet. III, fr. 67ff. Pf.; see below pp. 112ff.

[ back ] 11. Plut. Mor. 249de.

[ back ] 12. Ael. NA 12.9 = Autocr. fr. 1 KA; doubtless the ἐξαίρουσα of line 8 should be understood as ἐξαίρουσαι; on the movement executed by the girls, see the fragments 30 and 148 KA of Aristophanes quoted in the same passage of Aelian: Diels, Hermes 31, p. 362, likens this festival to the one for Artemis Orthia in Sparta, and sees indications of a lascivious dance; in my opinion, Autocrates’ description suggests, on the contrary, order and restraint. On the whole complex of the Ephesia, see Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 243ff., and R. Fleischer, Artemis von Ephesos und verwandte Kultstatuen, Leiden 1973, pp. 18ff.

[ back ] 13. Call. Dian. 237ff., with the commentary of Bornmann, Dian., pp. 114ff.; see also Dion. Per. 828ff. and Hyg. Fab. 223.1 and 225.2; on the role of the Amazons and Hippo as a probable hypostasis of Artemis, see Cahen, op. cit. p. 54 n. 136, pp. 143ff., C. Picard, Ephese et Claros, Paris 1922, pp. 431ff., and by the same author, “L’Ephesia, les Amazones et les abeilles,” REA 42, 1940, pp. 270-284. For the iconography of armed dances by women, see M.-H. Delavaud-Roux, Les danses armées en Grèce antique, Aix-en-Provence 1993, pp. 112ff., and the forthcoming study by P. Ceccarelli.

[ back ] 14. EM 252.11ff.; on the ritual of Artemis Daitis, see Picard, op. cit. n. 13, pp. 312ff., with an interpretation often difficult to follow; a more interesting interpretation by R. Heberdey, “Δαιτίς. Ein Beitrag zum ephesischen Artemiskult,” J Œ AI 7, 1904, pp. 210-215 with Beiblatt col. 44, who, in connection with the publication of an inscription of the first century B.C., in which there is mentioned an offering of salt to Artemis, recalls the ritual of the Plynteria at Athens; on these rites of the bathing of statues of feihale divinities, see below p. 129 with n. 117. On the choral connotations of the term παιδιά, see above pp. 87f.

[ back ] 15. Xen. Eph. 1.2.2ff.; on the participation of women in the festival of Artemis at Ephesos, see Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4.25.4f. and Thuc. 3.104.3, with the critical comment of S. Hornblower, “Thucydides, the Panionian Festival, and the Ephesia (III.104),” Historia 31, 1982, pp. 241-253.

[ back ] 16. Aristoph. Nub. 599f.; Picard, op. cit. n. 13, pp. 182ff., sees in the girls of the Lydians a sign of the existence in the classical period of Ephesian priestesses attested later in connection with the cult of Artemis.

[ back ] 17. Ion 19 F 22 SK (Λυδαὶ ψάλτριαι, παλαιθέτων ὕμνων ἀοιδοί), see also Diog. Ath. 45 F 1.6ff. SK (κλύω δὲ Λυδὰς Βακτρίας τε παρθένους … Ἄρτεμιν σέβειν ψαλμοῖς); the comparison of the chorus of the Deliades with that of Ephesos has been made by Allen, Hymns, p. 224; for a very hypothetical parallel in Sardis: Dion. Per. 839ff. On the Deliades, see below pp. 105ff. On probable iconographical depictions of the chorus of Ephesos, see Ghali-Kahil, art. cit. n. 28, p. 28.

[ back ] 18. Paus. 1.26.4, see also 3.18.9; CIG 2651b 26, see W. Drexler in Roscher, s.v. Leukophrys, coll. 2009f.; on the importance of this sanctuary, see Strab. 14.1.40; Magnesia on the Meander was, according to Strab. 14.1.11, a Cretan and Thessalian colony.

[ back ] 19. W. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum II, Lepizig 31917, decrees 557, 559, 562 and 695. Commentary in O. Kern, “Magnetische Studien,” Hermes 36, 1901, pp. 491-515, and Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 248ff.

[ back ] 20. On Artemis of Ephesos as a polis divinity, see Picard, op. cit. n. 13, p. 367; on other common features of the two goddesses, Farnell, Cults II, p. 483, and T. Schreiber in Roscher, s.v. Artemis, col. 593.

[ back ] 21. 695.4ff., with the commentary of Dittenberger ad loc.; on the epiphany of the goddess: 557.5f.

[ back ] 22. On the Thargelia, see below pp. 126f. and n. 110.

[ back ] 23. 562.19f.: see 558.19 (ἀγῶνα ἰσοπύθιον); 695, 4ff. As with many other celebrations in Greece, the festival of the Delia, renewed by the Athenians and celebrated in honor of Apollo, also included competitions in music, gymnastics, and horsemanship: Thuc. 3.104.3 and 6, see below p. 105.

[ back ] 24. 695.28ff.; the term νεωκόρος often refers to a priest of Artemis: see LSJ s.v. this word; on his function, Kern, art. cit. n. 19, p. 511.

[ back ] 25. Hdt. 3.48; the existence of a cult of Artemis at Samos is confirmed in other texts: see Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 240, and G. Dunst, “Zur samischen Artemis,” Chiron 2, 1972, pp. 191-200; the latter gives the transcription of a hymn addressed to Artemis Soteira: this is exactly the epiclesis expected, considering the underlying myth of the cult. The hymn contains an invocation to Artemis, then to Apollo; the inscription presenting the hymn dates from the second/third century A.D.

[ back ] 26. Cf. H. Stein, Herodotos II. 1, Berlin 41893, p. 55, and D. Asheri, Erodoto. Le Storie III, Milano 1990, p. 267; this date corresponds more or less to the ones tradition attributes to the life of Periander: 627 to 584 or 590 to 550. In a comprehensive new reading of this founding legend, Sourvinou-Inwood, Greek Culture, pp. 246ff., has now shown that the aetiological story and the ritual have an initiatory character. On the values of the sesame, see Calame, Alcman, pp. 372ff.

[ back ] 27. Brelich, Paides, pp. 240ff., and now Brulé, La fille d’Athènes, pp. 179ff., with the complementary remarks in “Retour à Brauron: repentirs, avancées, mises au point,” DHA 15, 1990, pp. 61-90; the premarital function of this festival was acknowledged already in antiquity: see Crater, FGrHist. 342 F 9 (πρὸ γάμων); see also I. D. Kontis, “ἈΡΤΕΜΙΣ ΒΡΑΥΡΩΝΙΑ,” AD 22A, 1967, pp. 156-206; W. Sale, “The Temple-Legends of the Arkteia,” RhM 118, 1975, pp. 265-284; S. Montepaone, “L’ ἀρκτεία à Brauron,” SSR 3, 1979, pp. 343-364; R. Hamilton, “Alkman and the Athenian arkteia,” Hesperia 58, 1989, pp. 449-472, with the response of C. Sourvinou-Inwood, “Ancient Rites and Modern Constructs: On the Brauronian Bears again,” BICLS 37, 1990, pp. 1-14; see also P. Perlman, “Acting the She-Bear for Artemis,” Arethusa 22, 1989, pp. 111-133, and Lonsdale, Dance, pp. 171ff., particularly on the meaning of the bear.

[ back ] 28. Pyxis Brauron A3, see L. Ghali-Kahil, “Quelques vases du sanctuaire d’Artémis à Brauron,” AK Beiheft 1, 1963, pp. 5-29 (pp. 6f.), with pl. I, 4: I have Claude Bérard to thank for this reference. On the connection between the rite of Brauron and the sacrifice of Iphigenia, see sch. Aristoph. Lys. 645 with the important commentary of Lloyd-Jones, JHS 103, pp. 89ff., and the remarks of Dowden, Death and the Maiden, London 1989, pp. 9ff. Although the sources I use always speak of παρθένοι and κόραι in the cult of Brauron, they give age ten for the “bears”: on this contradiction see above, pp. 28f. with n. 38; on the question of the age of the young girls, see Brulé, La fille d’Athènes, pp. 344ff.

[ back ] 29. Cf., among others, Brauron A 25 and 26 with the notes of L. Ghali-Kahil, “Autour de l’ Artémis attique,” AK 8, 1965, pp. 20-33 with pll. 7.3 and 5; see also Brauron krateriskoi frr. 8 and 9 (pll. 8.4 and 5) and fr. Brauron (168 Crowhurst): see Crowhurst, Lyric, p. 210, who speaks of young girls; see similarly P. Truitt, “Attic White Ground Pyxis and Phiale ca. 450 B.C.,” BMusB 67, 1969, pp. 72-92 (pp. 86ff. with pl. 23); see also the statuettes cited by Kontis, art. cit. n. 27, p. 190, and the new frr. of three krateriskoi found at Athens and published by L. Kahil, “L’Artémis de Brauron: rites et mystères,” AK 20, 1977, pp. 86-98; coming probably from the Brauronion on the Acropolis and dating from the end of the fifth century, these fragments show groups of young girls, nude or with a short chiton, performing a race with a palm tree in the background; see also Brulé, La fille d’Ath è nes, pp. 251ff. (with pll. 31ff.), Arrigoni in Le donne in Grecia, pp. 101ff. (with pll. 17f.); Sourvinou-Inwood, Girls’ Transitions, pp. 39ff.; and E. Keuls, The Reign of the Phallus: Sexual Politics in Ancient Athens, New York 1985, pp. 310ff. (with pll. 275ff.).

[ back ] 30. Sch. A Hom. Il. 1.594 = Philoch. FGrHist. 328 F 101; Plut. Mor. 247a, with comment by Brelich, Paides, p. 241.

[ back ] 31. Bacch. 13.83ff.: see above pp. 86f. On Artemis as goddess of rivers, thus as Nymph, see Schreiber, art. cit. n. 20, col. 559ff.: on Aegina, see W. H. Roscher in Roscher, s.v. Aigina. To the sources cited, add Pind. fr. 52f. 132ff. M: (Zeus) ἀν̣ε̣ρέψατο παρθένον Αἴγιναν. It is unlikely that this ritual in honor of Aegina can be compared with the feasts of Hera on the island of Aegina on the model of the Argive festival: Pind. P. 8.79, sch. ad loc. (II, p. 217 Drachmann), and Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 46. It seems that the three archaic representations of female choruses found at Aegina, one of which (A 1) shows a chorus of nine women led by a pipe player and a citharist, should be related to the Heraia: Aegina Mus. 1750 (128 Tölle, 1 Wegner), Berlin 31573 A 1 (13 Crowhurst, 126 Tölle, 69 Wegner) and A 48 (129 Tölle, 70 Wegner), see A 41 and 49 (24 and 25 Crowhurst). See also the choral dances performed by the young Athenian girls for the Hyacinthides, the young daughters of Erechtheus sacrificed for the salvation of the city: see below pp. 180f.

[ back ] 32. Theogn. 1287ff.; on the figure of Atalanta, see M. Detienne, Dionysus mis à mort, Paris 1977, pp. 82ff., Sourvinou-Inwood, Greek Culture, pp. 85ff., and Calame, I Greci e l’Eros, pp. 18f.

[ back ] 33. On Artemis kourotrophos, the goddess who leads children up to the point of marriage, see Schreiber, art. cit. n. 20, coll. 569f. and 574, and Farnell, Cults II, p. 577; the parallels given by Schreiber show that Artemis is the protector of adolescents far more than of the newborn; as to her image as Hochzeiterin, it is limited to the period immediately preceding marriage: see on this the prudent remarks of Nilsson, Religion I, pp. 493ff., and of Burkert, Religion, pp. 235f. On the meaning of κουροτρόφος, see Chantraine, Dict. étym., s.v. κόρος (2); Artemis shares this quality with other goddesses: see Burkert, Religion, pp. 285 and 368.

[ back ] 34. Cf. Brelich, Paides, pp. 263 and 291, and Burkert, Homo Necans, pp. 77f.

[ back ] 35. Pind. fr. 52b. 96ff. Μ: Δᾶλ]ον ἀν’ εὔοδμον is Housman’s conjecture based on Call. Del. 300: the choral dances of the girls of Delphi are mentioned again in fr. 52f. 16ff. M.

[ back ] 36. For the whole complex of the Delphic ceremony of the Ste-/Septerion, see (after Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 150ff., Farnell, Cults IV, pp. 293ff., and Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 388ff.) the more recent discussions of J. Fontenrose, Python: A Study of Delphic Myth and its Origin, Berkeley-Los Angeles 1959, pp. 453ff.; Brelich, Paides, pp. 387ff.; and Burkert, Homo Necans, pp. 144ff. On the Daphnephoria of Thebes see above pp. 59f., with the comparison proposed by S. Grandolini, “Canto processionale e culto nell’antica Grecia,” in Cassio and Cerri, L’inno, pp. 125-140.

[ back ] 37. Ael. VH 3.1 = Theopomp. FGrHist. 117 F 80 and Arg. Pind. Pyth. (II, p. 4 Drachmann), see also Ephor. FGrHist. 70 F 31b and Plut. Mor. 293c. A connection between the Delphic ritual and the Theban was denied by Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 164, but reaffirmed by Sbordone, Athenaeum 28, pp. 36ff., and Brelich, Paides, pp. 413ff. and 421ff.; on the stages of Apollo’s journey from Tempe to Delphi, see Farnell, Cults IV, p. 124.

[ back ] 38. On this, see C. Bérard, “Architecture érétrienne et mythologie delphique: le Daphnéphoréion,” AK 14, 1971, pp. 59-73.

[ back ] 39. Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 165 with pp. 116ff. and 182ff.; on the Thargelia and the eiresione, see below n. 110; on the cult of Artemis Korythalia, see below p. 169; Farnell, Cults, IV, pp. 284ff.; Sbordone, Athenaeum 28, pp. 42ff., relates the Daphnephoria to the festival of the Pyanopsia (see below pp. 125ff.); he sees in it a rite of thanksgiving. The interval of eight years between one Daphnephoria and the next one corresponds to the complete cycle of the sun and moon, perhaps represented symbolically in the kopo carried by the nearest relation of the daphnephoros: on this see A. Furtwängler in Roscher, s.v. Apollon, coll. 423ff., with the prudent remarks and the complementary references given by Schachter, Cults of Boeotia I, p. 84 n. 2. The Daphnephoria is in any case something more than a simple annual ritual of the May Tree.

[ back ] 40. Cf. E.F. Bischoff, RE 7 (1910), s.v. Galaxion (2), and O. Jessen, ibid., s.v. Galaxios (1). In the text of Photius Γαλαξίου has to be read rather than Χαλαζίου, in spite of Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 164 n. 3, and Severyns, Recherches I, p. 224 and II, pp. 230f.; see U. von Wilamowitz, “Lesefruchte,” Hermes 34, 1899, pp. 203-230 (pp. 223f., reprinted in his Kleine Schriften IV, Berlin 1962, pp. 64ff.), and Schachter, Cults of Boeotia I, pp. 48f., with Pind. fr. 104b Μ = PMG fr. adesp. 997 Ρ and the remarks of E.D. Francis, “Pindar Fr. 104b Snell,” CQ 66, 1972, pp. 33-41, who has serious doubts about the attribution of this fragment to Pindar. It has to be remembered that the Athenians celebrated during the spring a “milk ritual” called Galaxia: see Robertson, Festivals, pp. 29f.

[ back ] 41. Cf. Furtwängler, art. cit. n. 39, coll. 433f. and 441f., and Burkert, Religion, pp. 228f. On the meaning of the procession of the Stepterion, see Blech, Kranz, pp. 137f. and 221ff.

[ back ] 42. Procl. ap. Phot. Bibl. 321b 30; Proclus uses the term ἱκετεῖαι, in addition to that of τάξις, to describe the paean to Apollo in contrast to the Dionysiac dithyramb: according to Proclus, the paean was expressly written to exorcise misfortune: ibid. 320b 24ff.; see Kappel, Paian, pp. 44ff.

[ back ] 43. On a similar interpretation of the flight to Tempe, see Brelich, Paides, pp. 426f.; on the Theban Daphnephoria, see ibid., pp. 418f.

[ back ] 44. Paus. 9.10.2, sch. A.R. 1.537 (p. 46 Wendel), see H. W. Stoll in Roscher, s.v. Ismenios (1). On the situation of the sanctuary of Apollo Ismenios, near Thebes, see Schachter, Cults of Boeotia I, pp. 80f.

[ back ] 45. Η. Ap. 146ff.; on the role of mimesis in this choral song, see Miller, Delos, pp. 57ff., and Nagy, Pindar’s Homer, pp. 43ff. and 375ff.

[ back ] 46. Thuc. 3.104.1ff. and 1.8.1, Hdt. 1.64.2, Plut. Nic. 3.5ff.; on the reasons for taking over the Ionian ritual, see A. W. Gomme, A Historical Commentary on Thucydides II, Oxford 1956, p. 414; Strabo, 10.5.2, says in his description of Delos that the inhabitants of the Cyclades organized theoria and public sacrifices there (πέμπουσαι δημοσίᾳ θεωρούς τε καὶ θυσίας); Strabo also mentions choruses, saying they are made up of young girls (χοροὺς παρθένων): perhaps he is confusing the chorus of the Deliades proper and the choruses, the composition of which we do not know, sent by neighboring cities. The political meaning of the purification of Delos by the Athenians and of the reinstitution of the Delia are explained by S. Hornblower, A Commentary on Thucydides I, Oxford 1991, pp. 517ff. For the circumstances of the composition and performance of the Η. Αp., see W. Burkert, “Kynaithos, Polykrates, and the Homeric Hymn to Apollo,” in G. Bowersock et al. (edd.), Arktouros, Berlin 1979, pp. 53-67; Miller, Delos, pp. 1ff. and 111ff.; and Aloni, L’aedo, pp. 35ff. and 91ff.

[ back ] 47. Call. Del. 278ff.: other sources given by P. Stengel, RE 4 (1901), s.v. Delia (3), and by Mineur, Call. Del., pp. 231f.; see also H. Galet de Santerre, Délos primitive et archaïque, Paris 1958, pp. 239ff., and Bruneau, Cultes de Delos, pp. 37ff. (on the history of the festival); Stengel, interpreting Plat. Phaed. 58ab, improperly relates the Delia to the myth of Theseus returning to Athens. Theseus was celebrated at Delos, certainly, but during the festival of the Aphrodisia: see Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 380ff., Calame, Thésée, pp. 158ff., and below pp. 123ff.

[ back ] 48. Artemis had the epiclesis of Oupis in the cult celebrated by the Amazons in Ephesos: Call. Dian. 204 and 240 (see above, pp. 93f.); O. Crusius in Roscher, s.v. Hyperboreer, col. 2813; Farnell, Cults II, pp. 487f.; and O. Höfer in Roscher, s.v. Opis (1), (2), and (3); without any doubt, the name Loxo refers to Loxias, cult name of Apollo: see R. Ganszyniec, RE 13 (1972), s.v. Loxo; Hekaergos/erge is an epiclesis of Apollo as well as of Artemis: see H. W. Stoll in Roscher, s.v. Hekaerge (2) and Hekaergos (1), and also L. Radermacher, “Die Madchen aus dem Hyperboreer Land,” RhM 93, 1950, pp. 325-329. The Hyperboreans are regularly associated with the cult of Apollo and Artemis; they are generally present in the founding legends of Apollonian rites: Crusius, art. cit., coll. 2831f.; other bibliographical references on the Hyperboreans in A. Corcella and S. M. Medaglia, Erodoto. Le storie IV, Milano 1993, pp. 258f.

[ back ] 49. Hdt. 4.33ff.; on identifying τοῖσι θεοῖσιν with Eileithyia and Leto, see P.E. Legrand, “Herodotea,” REA 40, 1938, pp. 225-234 (pp. 230f.); if we accept with Stein, op. cit. n. 26, II. 2, p. 38, an identification with Artemis and Apollo, we must admit that the version that introduces Arge and Opis represents another legend unrelated to the birth of Apollo at Delos: the Delian Eileithyia also comes from the country of the Hyperboreans; she is the object of a cult at Delos during which the people of Delos make sacrifices and sing in her honor a hymn composed by Olen: Paus. 1.18.5, see also 8.21.3. On the problem of the two groups of young women mentioned by Herodotus, see W. Sale, “The Hyperborean Maidens on Delos,” HThR 54, 1961, pp. 75-89, and Bruneau, Cultes de Délos, pp. 45ff.

[ back ] 50. Cf. also Paus. 1.43.4 (αἱ θυγατέρες aἱ Δηλίων).

[ back ] 51. On the cult of Hippolytus at Troizen, see Eur. Hipp. 1423ff.; Paus. 2.32.1ff., with commentary by W. Fauth, “Hippolytos und Phaidra,” AAWM 1958, 9 and 1959, 8 (pp. 389ff.), and that of W. S. Barrett, Euripides. Hippolytos, Oxford 1964, pp. 3f.; on Hippolyus, see below pp. 241f. On the Athenian rite, see Deubner, Att. Feste, pp. 232ff.; Jeanmaire, Couroi, p. 258; and Vidal-Naquet, Le chasseur noir, pp. 147f. and 190. On a similar custom at Megara, see Paus. 1.43.4; other parallels in Burkert, Homo Necans, p. 75 n. 20. According to Poll. 3.38, who emphasizes the premarital character of this rite mainly for girls, Artemis was generally the object of the consecration, see also Hsch. s.v. κουρεῶτις and γάμων ἔθη (Κ 3843 and Γ 133 Latte; see also the dedicatory epigrams AP 6.276-279, which show that Artemis received the hair of the girls and Apollo that of the boys (on Apollo ἀκερσεκόμης, see Hom. Il. 20.39, Η. Ap. 134, Pind. P. 3.14, etc.). On this rite in general, see Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 257f. and 379f.; Nilsson, Religion I, pp. 238 and 493; von Gonzenbach, op. cit. p. 11 n. 26, pp. 95ff.; Brelich, Eroi, pp. 126f.; Burkert, Homo Necans, pp. 74f., who includes this rite in the larger category of premarital sacrifices, and Dowden, Death, pp. 2f. and passim.

[ back ] 52. On the location of this tomb, see C. Picard and L. Replat, “Recherches sur la topographie du Hiéron délien,” BCH 48, 1924, pp. 217-263 (pp. 247ff.); Gallet de Santerre, op. cit. n. 47, pp. 165ff. and 217f.; and P. Bruneau and J. Ducat, Guide de Délos, Paris 31983, pp. 149f.; for the probable tomb of Opis and Arge, see ibid., pp. 144f.

[ back ] 53. Hdt. 4.35; this hymn cannot be identified with the nomos of Olen mentioned by Call. Del. 304f., as U. von Wilamowitz thinks. Die Ilias und Homer, Berlin 1916, p. 451; that nomos was included in the Aphrodisia and not the Delia: see above p. 57.

[ back ] 54. On the archaeological identification of the place where the Delia were held, see E. Bethe, “Das archaische Delos und sein Letoon,” Hermes 72, 1937, pp. 190- 201.

[ back ] 55. Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 145ff. See also Farnell, Cults IV, pp. 288ff.; Allen, Hymns, p. 195 n. 1; Gallet de Santerre, op. cit. n. 47, pp. 246ff.; and Bruneau, Cultes de Délos, pp. 82ff. The decisive evidence is given by Dion. Per. 526ff. who speaks of choruses sent to Delos on the occasion of the first day of spring.

[ back ] 56. In the Η. Ap. 169, they are invoked under the name κοῦραι; but Thuc. 3.104.5 uses the expression τὸν Δηλιακὸν χορὸν τῶν γυναικῶν.

[ back ] 57. Cf. Gomme, op. cit. n. 46, p. 414.

[ back ] 58. Plat. Phaed. 58ac, see also Xen. Mem. 4.8.2; on the link between the Delia and the legend of Theseus, see Calame, Thésée, pp. 159ff.; on the Aphrodisia at Delos, see below pp. 123ff.

[ back ] 59. Call. Del. 300ff., Dion. Per. 526, and Luc. Salt. 16; see Mineur, Call. Del. pp. 235f.

[ back ] 60. Call. Del. 249ff. and 275ff.; see Mineur, Call. Del., pp. 206ff. and 222ff.

[ back ] 61. On the courotrophic aspects of Apollo, see Furtwängler, art. cit. n. 39, col. 442f., Willetts, Cults, pp. 174f., and Brelich, Paides, pp. 435f.

[ back ] 62. Eur. HF 687ff.; on the nature of the reference made to the Deliades by the chorus of old men, see Wilamowitz, Herakles II, pp. 140ff.; on the meaning of εὔπαις, ibid. III, p. 158; Hec. 462ff.; see also IT 1234ff.

[ back ] 63. T. Homolle, “Comptes et inventaires des temples déliens en l’année 279,” BCH 14, 1890, pp. 389-511 (pp. 500ff.), and Bruneau, Cultes de Délos, pp. 36f.; see Latte, Salt., pp. 67f. The inscription commented on by Homolle speaks of a χορὸς τῶν γυναικῶν, whereas, as we have seen, the literary tradition makes the Deliades young girls.

[ back ] 64. Call. Del. 255ff.; see Mineur, Call. Del., pp. 211f.; Latte, Salt., p. 83; and above p. 75 n. 198.

[ back ] 65. Mykonos Μus. Β 4208 (70 Crowhurst [who gives the reference of Delos 4.208], 131 Tölle, 115 Wegner), pl. in C. Dugas and C. Rhomaios, Délos XV: Les vases préhelléniques et géometriques, Paris 1934, pll. XLIII and LVI; on a sacrifice of the Deliades made in honor of Artemis Britomartis, see Ath. 8.335ab, and Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 210.

[ back ] 66. On the relationship of Artemis and Apollo, see Schreiber, art. cit. n. 20, coll. 576ff.; on their cult relationship, ibid., coll. 582ff. Like Artemis, but less often, Apollo is called variously γόνος, κοῦρος, παῖς, υἱός of Zeus and Leto, as well as Λατοΐδης; Roscher, Suppl. 1, pp. 22ff.; for the iconography of Artemis and Apollo, see now L. Kahil in LIMC II, s.v. Artemis, pp. 697f. and 703ff.

[ back ] 67. Paus. 2.7.7: see Hitzig-Bluemmer, Paus. I, pp. 523f., Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 171 f.; Brelich, Paides, pp. 377ff.; and D. Musti and M. Torelli, Pausania. Guida della Grecia II, Milano 1986, pp. 242ff.

[ back ] 68. Cf. above pp. 16f.; the distribution of the modes of action between Athena and Poseidon has been studied by M. Detienne and J.P. Vernant, Les ruses d’intelligence: La métis des Grecs, Paris 1974. For a similar rivalry between Artemis and Apollo in the rituals of Athenian adolescents, see Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 257ff.

[ back ] 69. Ant. Lib. 1; see above, p. 93, for Plutarch’s story of the legendary fidelity of the young girls of Ceos. The fact that the Ceans had a banquet hall within the Artemision at Delos, near the tomb of the Hyperborean virgins (Hdt. 4.35), could possibly be connected with their exemplary conduct in adolescence; there is anyhow convergent information on the Ceans regarding female kourotrophia.

[ back ] 70. On the festival of Apollo at Karthaia, see Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 160 n. 1, and Farnell, Cults IV, pp. 444f.; on the sanctuary of Artemis at Ioulis, see Papathomopoulos, Ant. Lib., p. 72.

[ back ] 71. In n. 48 above, I said that Hekaerge is a frequent epiclesis of Artemis, particularly in the Cyclades; see Papathomopoulo, Ant. Lib., p. 73, correcting H. W. Stoll’s error in Roscher, s.v. Hekaerge (3), who saw in Ktesylla Hekaerge an hypostasis of Aphrodite.

[ back ] 72. Ov. Her. 20 and 21; Call. Aet. III, fr. 67ff. Pf.; Aristaenet. 1.10, see W. H. Roscher in Roscher, s.v. Akontios (2); on the probable presence of female choruses during the Artemisia at Delos: Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 209, and above p. 110.

[ back ] 73. W. H. Roscher in Roscher, s.v. Hera, coll. 2098ff.; Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 40f., and Religion I, pp. 429ff.; Farnell, Cults I, pp. 184ff. and 195f., who shows that the hieros gamos of Zeus and Hera is an exemplary incarnation of human marriage much more than a symbol of a hypothetical cosmic marriage between earth and heaven; see also Burkert, Religion, pp. 209f., and, as far as the etymology of her name is concerned (as “the mature one”), Pötscher, Hera, pp. 2f.

[ back ] 74. Steph. Byz. s.v. Ἑρμιών (p. 277 Meineke) and sch. Theocr. 15.64 (pp. 31 1f. Wendel); Paus. 8.22.2 and Pind. O. 6.88: see Farnell, Cults I, pp. 190f., and Kerényi, Zeus, pp. 104f.; at Nauplia, the statue of Hera every year was the object of a bath in a neighboring river, through which she became a παρθένος· Paus. 2.38.2.

[ back ] 75. Paus. 5.16.1ff., see above pp. 24f. and n. 23, and now my study “Pausanias le Périégète en ethnographe ou comment décrire un culte grec,” in J. M. Adam et al., Le discours anthropologique: Description, narration, savoir, Paris 1990, pp. 227-250.

[ back ] 76. Weniger, Elis, pp-2ff., Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 62f. and 291ff.

[ back ] 77. Cf. above p. 28.

[ back ] 78. Paus. regularly uses the term γυναίκες to refer to them, likewise Plut. Mor. 251e, 299a, 364f, etc.; on the political meaning of the ritual weaving of the peplos, see J. Scheid and J. Svenbro, Le métier de Zeus: Mythe du tissage et du tissu dans le monde gréco-romain, Paris 1994, pp. 17ff.

[ back ] 79. Paus. 6.20.7; Weniger, Elis, p. 18, identifies these women (stretching the evidence I would say) with the sixteen women of Elis; on the location of the Hippodameion, see Hitzig-Bluemmer, Paus. II, pp. 639f.

[ back ] 80. On the myth of the marriage of Hippodameia, see O. Höfer in Roscher, s.v. Hippodameia (1), coll. 2668ff., and below pp. 242ff.

[ back ] 81. On Chloris, see L. von Sybel in Roscher, s.v. Chloris (4). According to L. Drees, Der Ursprung der olympischen Spiele, Schorndorf bei Stuttgart 1962, pp. 87ff., in the Mycenaean period this race was included in the celebration of the hieros gamos of Hera-Hippodameia.

[ back ] 82. Paus. 5.14.6 with Farnell, Cults II, pp. 559f.; the cult of Artemis Alpheiaia is described by Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 214ff.; see also above p. 92. According to T. F. Scanlon, “The Footrace of the Heraia at Olympia,” AW 9, 1984, pp. 77-90, the races of the girls have to be related to the ones during the Olympic games.

[ back ] 83. One can add that the feast of the Heraia took place in summer (Weniger, Elis, p. 17) while the Artemisian rituals took place in spring. However, we have no precise way of dating the Heraia. For Arrigoni, Le donne in Grecia, pp. 95ff., the footrace of the Heraia has a distinctive adolescent and prematrimonial character; see also P. Angeli Bernardini, “Le donne e la pratica della corsa nella Grecia antica,” in P. Angeli Bernardini, Lo sport in Grecia, Roma-Bari 1988, pp. 153-184.

[ back ] 84. Bacch. 11.37ff. and 82ff.; see also Apoll. 2.2.2 and sch. Hom. Od. 15.225; other sources in A. Rapp in Roscher, s.v. Proitides. This passage for the daughters of Proitos from savagery to civilization has been explained by C. Segal, “Baccylides Reconsidered: Epithets and the Dynamics of Lyric Narrative,” QUCC 22, 1976, pp. 99-130 (pp. 122ff.), and by A.P. Burnett, The Art of Bacchylides, Cambridge, Mass.-London 1985, pp. 107ff.

[ back ] 85. Hes. fr. 132 MW, see also fr. 130 MW which, by saying that all Greek men were suitors of the daughters of Proitos, shows that the girls had arrived at a marriageable age.

[ back ] 86. On the contact between Artemis and Hera concerning premarital and marriage rites, see Poll. 3.38.; the transition of the Proitides from the domain of Artemis to the one of Hera through the “taming” preparatory to marriage has been analyzed in detail by Seaford, JHS 108, 1988, pp. 118ff.

[ back ] 87. the temple of Artemis at Lousoi, see Paus. 8.18.8 and Pol. 4.18.10. On these two cults, see R. Stiglitz, Die Grossen Gottinnen Arkadiens, Wien 1967, pp. 100f. Other sources in Burkert, Homo Necans, p. 192 n. 16, and now M. Jost, Sanctuaires et cultes d’Arcadie, Paris 1985, pp. 46ff. and 419ff. Other versions of the legend of the Proitides make Proitos or Melampous the one who cures the girls: see Bornmann, Hymnus in Dianam, pp. 112f.

[ back ] 88. Paus. 8.18.8 (Ἄρτεμις Ἡμερασία), sch. Call. Dian. 236 (II, p. 65 Pfeiffer) who combines into a single explanation the epicleses of Koria and Hemera: διότι τὰς κόρας ἡμέρωσεν; it is not by chance that in this context Hesiod, fr. 37.13 MW, qualifies Bias, one of the two heroes charged with bringing back the Proitides from their mad chase, as ἱππόδαμος, tamer of horses. The existence of the cult of Artemis Hemera at Lousoi allowed Blass to restore a Ἡμ]έρα in the text Bacch. 11.39 (see IG V. 2, 398), which would directly link the latter’s version of the myth with the cult in Lousoi; on this, see R. Merkelbach, “Bakchylides auf einen Sieger in de Ἡμεράσια zu Lousoi,” ZPE 11, 1973, pp. 257-260; this restoration is more certain than the proposal that the whole song was dedicated to a victor at Metapontum whose divinity was Artemis Hemera: see Maehler, Bakchylides, II, pp. 195f. and 219f. [ back ] Jeanmaire, Dionysus, pp. 204ff., sees this myth as a rite of adolescence without making a distinction between the domains of Artemis and Hera; see also J. E. Harrison, Encyclopedia of Religions and Ethics III, Edinburgh 1914, p. 322. Burkert, Homo Necans, pp. 189ff., also speaks of the reversal of the order of the polis and the change from young girl to queen as represented in the myth of the madness of the Proitides; he connects this to the Argive ritual of the Agrio(/a)nia. G.A. Privitera’s statement in Dioniso in Omero e nella poesia greca arcaica, Roma 1970, p. 17 n. 9, that the dances instituted by the Proitides were supposed to imitate the race of the girls through the hills is only conjecture; see also Dowden, Death and the Maiden, pp. 91ff., and G. Casadio, Storia del culto di Dioniso in Argolide, Roma 1994, pp. 51ff. and 83ff., who, after having enumerated the different versions of the myth, gives a review of the various interpretations given to the ritual of the Agriania.

[ back ] 89. Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 42ff., and Kerényi, Zeus, pp. 94ff.; on the excavations undertaken on this site, see C. Waldstein, The Argive Heraeum, 2 vol., Boston-New York 1902, and J. L. Caskey and P. Amandry, “Investigations at the Heraion of Argos,” Hesperia 21, 1952, pp. 165-221. The old statue of Hera venerated within the Heraion came from Tiryns, Proitos’ country: Paus. 2.17.5 and 8.46.3, with Burkert’s commentary, Homo Necans, p. 189. The various rituals for the girls celebrated at the Argive Heraion are now described by A. Avagianou, Sacred Marriage in the Rituals of Greek Religion, Bern-New York 1991, pp. 39ff.

[ back ] 90. Eur. El. 171ff., with the commentary of J. D. Denniston, Euripides. Electra, Oxford 1939, pp. 70f,; Poll. 4.78; see Emag. 108.48. The temple of Hera Antheia was in Argos itself near the sanctuary of Leto: Paus. 2.22.1; on the significance of the cult of Hera Antheia, see Pötscher, Hera, pp. 138ff.

[ back ] 91. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.21.2; Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 45 n. 5, has reservations, as previously noted, as to the value of this source.

[ back ] 92. Argos Mus. C 229 (50 Crowhurst) and fr. (97 Tölle, 4 Wegner), Athianai MN frr. (56 Crowhurst, 92, 93, 95, 96 and 10 Tölle, 52 Wegner) and frr. (61 Crowhurst, 101 Tölle, 53 Wegner); see Waldstein, op. cit. n. 89, II p. 114 with pl. 57, and Wegner, Musik, pl. U VId.

[ back ] 93. By showing that the procession of the Heraia for the boys participating marked “die Initiation des waffenfähigen Epheben,” Burkert, Homo Necans, pp. 183f., gives a similar interpretation of this festival.

[ back ] 94. On the guardianship of Hera at Argos, see Roscher, art. cit. n. 73, col. 2075ff., and R. A. Tomlinson, Argos and the Argolid, London 1972, pp. 203f.; on the protector aspect of Artemis at Ephesus, see above n. 20. Hera in Homer was already named Ἀργείη: Hom. Il. 5.908 and Hes. Theog. 12; Argos is one of the cities preferred by the goddess: Hom. Il. 4.51f.; on Hera’s central position at Argos, see S. Eitrem. RE 8 (1912), s.v. Hera, coll. 372f.; Hera was also celebrated on the acropolis of Argos, where she bore the epiclesis of Akraia: Paus. 2.24.1, with Roscher, art. cit. n. 73, coll. 2075f. [ back ] Artemis is not totally absent from Argos: see Paus. 2.21.1 and Hsch. s.v. Ἀκρία (Α 2565 Latte); moreover, Hera too is celebrated in certain places as Parthenos: see above p. 113, and U. von Wilamowitz, Der Glaube der Hellenen I, Berlin 1931, pp. 129ff.; near Nauplion, says Paus. 2.38.2f., the statue of Hera was washed at a spring, permitting the goddess to regain her virginity: on the bathing statues of virgin goddesses, see below pp. 129ff. with n. 117.

[ back ] 95. Sch. Eur. Med. 264 (II, p. 159f. Schwartz) = Parmeniscus fr. 13 Breithaupt, and Creophylus FGrHist. 417 F 3; other sources and discussion in Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 57ff., A. Brelich, “I figli di Medeia,” SMSR 30, 1959, pp. 213-254, and by the same author, Paides, pp. 355ff.; the tradition of the myth of the children of Medea and the rite founded on it probably goes back to Eumelus (frr. 3 and 5 Bernabé), i.e. to the 7th century B.C. [ back ] See C. Picard, “L’Héræon de Pérachora et les enfants de Médée,” RA 5.35, 1932, pp. 218-229, who presents this ritual as a “novitiate,” has shown that the sanctuary in which it took place is that of Hera Akraia and Limenia at Perachora; situated to the north of the town, across an arm of the Gulf of Corinth, this sanctuary has the characteristics of a sanctuary beyond the town walls of a place particularly well adapted to an adolescent initiation; on the problems of establishing the site of the sanctuary of Hera Akraia, see Brelich, Paides, p. 356 n. 117; on the excavations at Perachora, see H. Payne et al., The Sanctuary of Hera Akraia and Limenia, 2 vol., words death and resurrection, E. Will, Korinthiaka, Paris 1955, pp. 89ff., is very near an interpretation of this myth as initiatory.

[ back ] 96. Depictions of women’s choruses found in the sanctuary of Hera at Perachora have been collected by Payne, op. cit. n. 95, II, pl. 77; see also those found at Corinth: Berlin SM 31093 (65 Wegner) and Corinth Mus. (55 Crowhurst, 113 Tölle, 104 Wegner).

[ back ] 97. One proof of the adolescent character of Hera Akraia’s cult is the substitution at Corfu (see P.G. Kalligas, “Τὸ ἐν Κερκύρᾳ ἱερὸν τῆς Ἀκραίας Ἥρας,” AD 24, 1969, pp. 51-58) of her cult imported by the Corinthians in place of a preexisting cult of Apollo Dephnephoros. Another example of the fixed signified in relation to the flexibility of the signifier is given by Herodotus’ account (4.180) of a Libyan ritual. This rite, he says, is dedicated to Athena. Since we know that this ritual was annual and included a contest between young girls, with the most beautiful being fitted out as a soldier, it is easy to see how this designation comes from a deity foreign to Greece through the intermediacy of the name Athena: the presence of the features ‘adolescent,’ ‘female,’ and ‘armed’ in the rite are decisive. The attribution to Dionysus, also by Herodotus (2.48), of an Egyptian phallic procession offers an analogous semantic mechanism: see W. Burkert, “Herodot über die Namen der Götter: Polytheismus als historisches Problem,” MH 42, 1985, pp. 121-132. In this way the signified is determined by the signifier. At Corinth, the feature ‘adolescence’ and the schema ‘hybris / calamity / expiation’ would suggest the signifier Artemis. If we find Hera instead it is because, in the religious language of the Corinthians, Hera means what Artemis means elsewhere in Greece. The problem of the Libyan divinity’s name is a problem of translation: in the same way, the flexibility of the signifier in relation to the signified in Greece is reduced as a last resort to a question of religious translation between different geographic points. [ back ] For the parallel offered by the rite of the “Locrian Maidens,” see F. Graf, “Die Lokrischen Mädchen,” SSR 2, 1978, pp. 61-79, and Sourvinou-Inwood, Greek Culture, pp. 248ff.

[ back ] 98. Ath. 13.609eff., Hom. Il. 9.129f. with sch. A ad loc.; see also Hsch. s.v. Πυλαιΐδεες (Π 4342 Schmidt); see Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 57 and 336, and the same author, RE 10 (1919), s.v. Kallisteia; on the rite of Basilis, see Stiglitz, op. cit. n. 87, pp. 58f., who compares the contest of the Kalligeneia on the last day of the festival of the Athenian Thesmophoria with this ritual; on the meaning of the Athenian ritual, see below n. 140.

[ back ] 99. Sapph. fr. 17 V, Alc. fr. 129 V, with Page, Sappho, pp. 60ff. and 168, Treu, Sappho, pp. 235ff., Burnett, Three Archaic Poets, pp. 159ff. (with n. 4), and Pötscher, Hera, pp. 14ff.; on the identification of the sanctuary of Hera where the beauty contests were held, see L. Robert, “Rscherches épigraphiques,” REA 62, 1960, pp. 276-361 (pp. 311ff.), who gathers together the reconstructions of his predecessors. The relationship drawn between the term Πυλαιΐδεες and Mount Pylaion by K. Tümpel, “Lesbiaka 5: Pylaiïdees,” Philologus 50, 1891, pp. 566-568, is criticized by G. Radke, RE 23 (1957), s.v. Pylaiidees.

[ back ] 100. Ale. fr. 130b. 13ff. V; see Burnett, Three Archaic Poets, pp. 178ff. On the ololyge, see above pp. 78f.

[ back ] 101. AP 9.189: see Lasserre, Sappho, pp. 40f., and above p. 65.

[ back ] 102. Cf. below p. 199.

[ back ] 103. Cf. above p. 53.

[ back ] 104. Call. Del. 304ff., Plut. Thes. 21, Paus. 9.40.3f.; on the composition of the chorus performing the Crane Dance, see above p. 56; for the inscriptions, see Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 380ff., and Bruneau, Cultes de Délos, pp. 331ff. and 341, with the complementary references I give in Thésée, pp. 158f.; see also Pirenne-Delforge, Aphrodite, pp. 395ff.

[ back ] 105. Hom. Il. 18.590ff. and sch. AB Il. 18.590f. also Paus. 9.40.3: see Herter, art. cit. p. 54 n. 138, col. 98, and above pp. 55f.

[ back ] 106. Plut. Thes. 20.7; Paus. 2.23.8; other sources are mentioned by H. W. Stoll in Roscher, s.v. Ariadne, coll. 543f.; see also Farnell, Hero Cults, pp. 48f.; Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 382, recalls the interesting comparison made by others between the etymology of the word Ἀριάδνη as ἀρι-άγνη and the adjective ἁγνή that Aphrodite receives in an inscription mentioning the service of a kanephoros at the Aphrodisia of Delos; on the assimilation between Ariadne and Aphrodite, see Calame, Thésée, pp. 198ff.

[ back ] 107. See in particular Aesch. fr. 44 Radt and Soph. fr. 941 Radt; A. Furtwängler in Roscher, s.v. Aphrodite, coll. 397ff., Burkert, Religion, pp. 239ff., Calame, Eros, pp. 87ff., and Pirenne-Delforge, Aphrodite, pp. 419ff.

[ back ] 108. Paus. 3.13.9; on this cult, see below pp. 205f. On the matrimonial and courotrophic aspects of Aphrodite, see Farnell, Cults II, pp. 655ff. and Pirenne-Delforge, Aphrodite, pp. 421ff.; Diod. Sic. 5.73.2, defining the children of Zeus in their reciprocal positions, attributes to Aphrodite the protection of girls at the moment of marriage; this protection is not incompatible with that of Zeus and Hera Teleioi which covers the whole marriage. On the simultaneous intervention of Zeus Teleios, Hera Teleia, Aphrodite, Peitho, and Artemis in the marriage process, see Plut. Mor. 264b; on Aphrodite and marriage, see Sapph. test. 194 V. [ back ] Given the place occupied by Apollo and Artemis at Delos, it would be useless to explain the presence of a nurturing Aphrodite on the island with semantics such as I used to account for the exceptional powers of Hera at Argos; Aphrodite intervenes on Delos according to her usual mode of action. Note that she is also present in the legends of Akontios and Kydippe and of Hermochares and Ktesylla, legends which seem to be entirely under the sign of Artemis/Apollo (see above p. 112): this presence is symbolized by the apple bearing the vow of love between the lovers (on this symbolism see J. Trumpf, “Kydonische Äpfel,” Hermes 88, 1960, pp. 14-22, and A. R. Littlewood, “The Symbolism of the Apple,” HSCPh 72, 1967, pp. 147-181). When love comes into play, Aphrodite intervenes in the domain of adolescence. [ back ] On Hekaerge as hypostasis of Artemis, see above n. 48; also Ant. Lib. 13.6, which identifies Aspalis Hekaerge with Artemis.

[ back ] 109. On the Pyanopsia and Oschophoria, see Plut. Thes. 22f., other sources in Deubner, Att. Feste, pp. 198ff. and 142ff., and in Severyns, Recherches II, pp. 243ff., bibliography in Herter, art. cit. p. 54 n. 138, col. 102ff.; the analysis of Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 344ff., needs to be revised; the rather badly articulated remarks of Willetts, Cults, pp. 124ff. and 193ff., also move towards an initiation as characteristic of the Delian and Athenian rituals; on an interpretation of the Athenian ritual as initiatory, see Vidal-Naquet, Le chasseur noir, pp. 164ff. [ back ] Sources more recent than Plutarch attribute to Athena Skiras, and no longer to Ariadne, the honors given at the Oschophoria. Thus Severyns, Recherches II, ρ. 247, following A. Rutgers van der Loeff, “De Oschophoriis,” Mnemosyne 43, 1915, pp. 404-415 (p. 409), proposes to introduce an Ἀθηνᾷ in the place of Ἀριάδνῃ in Plutarch’s text, considering Procl. ap. Phot Bibl. 322a 21. It is probably necessary to distinguish here, as does R. Flacelière, “Sur quelques passages des Vies de Plutarque I,” REG 61, 1948, pp. 67-103 (p. 81), between myth and ritual. It would take too long to analyze this, so I shall simply say that Ariadne, as well as Athena Skiras (see Deubner, Att. Feste, pp. 46f.) is associated with the adult female: see Calame, Thésée, pp. 128f. and 206. On the Oschophoria in general see also E. Kadletz, “The race and procession of the Athenian Oschophoroi,” ZPE 21, 1980, pp. 363-371, E. Simon, Festivals of Attica: An Archaeological Commentary, Madison 1983, pp. 89ff., and Robertson, Festivals and Legends, pp. 121 ff. (with further bibliography!).

[ back ] 110. Plut. Thes. 18.1ff. (ἱκετηρία) and 22.6f. (εἰρεσιώνη), see Deubner, Att. Feste, p. 201 with p. 199 n. 9; Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 312ff.; Chirassi-Colombo, QUCC 30, 1979, pp. 31ff.; and below n. 293. On the texts of Plutarch, the commentary of C. Ampolo and M. Manfredini, Plutarco. Le vite di Teseo e di Romolo, Milano 1988, is very useful (see particularly pp. 220 and 231ff.). The supposed recurrence of the presentation of the eiresione at the Thargelia has led J.-P. Vernant, “Ambiguïté et renversement. Sur la structure énigmatique d’Oedipe-Roi,” Echanges et Communications (Mélanges offerts à Claude Lévi-Strauss) II, Paris 1970, pp. 1253-1279, reprinted in J.-P. Vernant and P. Vidal-Naquet, Mythe et tragédie en Grèce ancienne, Paris 1972, pp. 101-131 (pp. 119ff.), to see this rite as having the same role as the 6 Mounichion ritual, but Deubner, Att. Feste, pp. 191f., has denied that the eiresione was also carried at the Thargelia (see also Calame, Thésée, pp. 308ff.). Seeing the same connection between these two rites, W. Mannhardt, Wald- und Feldkulte II, Berlin 21905, pp. 214ff., had already conjectured a connection between the Thargelia (“Früherntefest”) and the Pyanopsia (“Erntedankfest”); he had also shown their parallels with the myth of the departure and return of Theseus. In Mannhardt, all the testimony on the eiresione can be found (p. 218); on the meaning of this ritual instrument, see below p. 183. J. Robert and L. Robert, “Bulletin epigraphique,” REG 62, 1949, pp. 92-162 (p. 106), published a decree dating from 150/49 B.C. showing that the eiresione was carried at the Pyanopsia in honor of Apollo and Theseus. See the critical remarks on these studies in my Thésée, pp. 126ff. and 143ff.

[ back ] 111. Plut. Thes. 23.3; on the meaning of this cross-dressing, see below pp. 150f. The fact that the legendary race of Theseus’ companions has exactly the inverse direction of the ritual procession leading the young Athenians from the sanctuary of Dionysus “in the Marshes” to the sanctuary of Athena Skiras at Phaleron shows that the aetiological relationship of the ritual with Theseus’ legend is secondary: see Calame, Thésée, pp. 162ff. and 446ff.

[ back ] 112. Procl. ap. Phot. Bibl. 322a 13ff.: see Choeurs II, pp. 157f.; Ath. 14.631b also speaks of dances called ὠσχοφορικοί. See also the proposal of I. Rutherford and J. Irvine, “The Race in the Athenian Oschophoria and an Oschophoricon by Pindar,” ZPE 72, 1988, pp. 43-51.

[ back ] 113. For a semantic analysis of the figure of Ariadne as the meeting point of the influence of Artemis and Aphrodite, see C. Gallini, “Potinija Dapuritoio,” Acme 12, 1959, pp. 146-176; mistress of the labyrinth, Ariadne is situated between adolescence and adult sexuality; see also Willetts, Cults, pp. 193ff., and Calame, Thésée, pp. 205f. On the supposed initiatory character of the Crane Dance, see Brelich, Eroi, p. 170 n. 269.

[ back ] 114. This goes against the arguments of Gallet de Santerre, op. cit. n. 47, pp. 179ff., who, among others, separates the rite of the Crane Dance from the Aphrodisia at Delos.

[ back ] 115. Call. Lav. Pall. 1ff.; the sch. ad loc. (II, p. 74 Pfeiffer) define the ἴλα as ἡ τῶν νυμφῶν φρατρία καὶ ἄθροισις; these same scholia paraphrase the rite described by Callimachus, saying that it is the women (γυναῖκες) of Argos who go down to the River Inachos to wash the statues of Athena and Diomede: Jost, op. cit. n. 87, pp.

[ back ] 116. On the particular function of Chariklo, the nymph beloved of Artemis, see Bulloch, op. cit. n. 115, pp. 163f. and 174ff., and above p. 46.

[ back ] 117. Deubner, Att. Feste, pp. 17ff., with numerous references on the ritual, and Brulé. La fille d’Ath è nes, pp. 105ff. On other ritual bathing of female statues of goddesses, see Fehrle, Keuschheit, pp. 171ff.; Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 255f.; and, above all, R. Ginouvès, Balaneutikè: recherches sur le bain dans l’Antiquité grecque, Paris 1962, particularly pp. 292ff. On the bathing of the statue of Artemis Daitis at Ephesos, see above n. 14; on that of Hera Parthenos at Nauplion, see above n. 94.

[ back ] 118. Cf. Paus. 2.24.3 and Hsch. s.v. Ἀκρία (Α 2565 Latte) with F. Dümmler, RE 2 (1896), s.v. Athena, coll. 1971f.; on the mythical background of this cult, ibid., coll. 1972ff.; for the difficult positioning and identification of this temple of Athena Akria at Argos not far from a sanctuary of Hera Akraia (Paus. 2.24.1), see F. Geiger, RE 12 (1925), s.v. Larisa (1); Bulloch, op. cit. n. 115, pp. 14ff.; and D. Musti and M. Torelli, Pausania. Guida della Grecia II, Milano 1986, pp. 290ff.

[ back ] 119. Cf. C. J. Herington, Athena Parthenos and Athena Polias, Manchester 1955, M. Detienne, “L’olivier: un mythe politico-religieux,” in M. I. Finley (ed.), Problèmes de la terre en Grèce ancienne, Paris-La Haye 1973, pp. 293-306, and C. Leduc, “Les naissances assistées de la mythologie grecque,” in Se reproduire, est-ce bien naturel?, Toulouse 1991, pp. 91-175.

[ back ] 120. Eur. Her. 777ff.; Deubner, Att. Feste, p. 24, identifies the songs of the young people with the paean mentioned by Hid. Aeth. 1.10.

[ back ] 121. W. Burkert, “Kekropidensage und Arrhephoria,” Hermes 94, 1966, pp. 1-25 (now in Wilder Ursprung: Opferritual und Mythos bei den Griechen, Berlin 1990, pp. 40-59), who gives the sources and the basic bibliography for this much discussed ritual of the Arrhephoria, as also Homo Necans, pp. 169ff.; see among others Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 264ff.; Brelich, Paides, pp. 231ff.; Brulé, La fille d’Athènes, pp. 68ff. and 79ff.; and Pirenne-Delforge, Aphrodite, pp. 50ff. See also above p. 28 n. 38.

[ back ] 122. Eur. Ion 492ff.; on the exact site described by Euripides and on a textual uncertainty about the name of the Cecropids, see A.S. Owen, Euripides. Ion, Oxford 1939, p. 105; Plut. Mor. 839c.

[ back ] 123. Hom. Od. 6.99ff., see above pp. 42 and 87f.

[ back ] 124. Aristoph. Lys. 641: see EM 149, 18ff. and An. Gr. I, p. 202, 3ff. Bekker, who takes the age limit of this service to eleven years. About this passage of Aristophanes, see above pp. 28f. See now the interpretation I have presented of the Arrhephoria in Eros, pp. 134ff.

[ back ] 125. Eur. Ion 465ff., with the comment of Loraux, Enfants d’Athéna, pp. 226ff. (see particularly n. 119!).

[ back ] 126. On the myth of Erichtonios, see R. Parker, “Myths of Early Athens,” in Bremmer, Greek Mythology, pp. 187-214, and G.J. Baudy, “Der Heros in der Kiste. Der Erichthoniosmythos als Aition athenischer Erntefeste,” A&A 38, 1992, pp. 1-47; Erichthonios was associated with both the founding of the Panathenaia and with a cult of a courotrophic goddess honored in the sanctuary of Aglauros: references in Burkert, art. cit. n. 121, pp. 20 n. 3 (end) and 23 n. 1.

[ back ] 127. On the service of the kanephoroi, see Brelich, Paides, pp. 286ff., and Brulé, La fille d’Athenès, pp. 301ff.

[ back ] 128. On the maternal aspects of Athena, see Fehrle, Keuschheit, pp. 193ff.; Deubner, Att. Feste, pp. 15ff.; and Loraux, Enfants d’Athéna, pp. 63ff., with the critical remarks of G. Sissa and M. Detienne, La vie quotidienne des dieux grecs, Paris 1989, pp. 233ff. One should distrust Fehrle’s interpretation, since he sees in the marital and adolescent aspects of Athena the evolution of a primitive Muttergottheit to a more recent Jungfrau. The synchronic explanation here replaces the historical: Athena watches over this ambiguous period of female adolescence but also has an interest in virginity as well as in marriage. Farnell, Cults I, p. 302, has grasped the political and adolescent connotations of the cult of Athena Apatouria; see also P. Schmitt, “Athena Apatouria et la ceinture: Les aspects feminins des Apatouries a Athenes,” Annales E.S.C. 32, 1977, pp. 1059-1073. [ back ] Athena appears beside Artemis also in the myth of Meropis (Ant. Lib. 15), which tells how the two daughters (παῖδες) of Eumelos, granddaughters of Merops, backed up by their brothers, refused to go to the sacred wood of the two goddesses at the same time as the virgins of their age (ὁμήλικες). Athena and Artemis intervene side by side in a story, the essential features of which denote female adolescence. On the cult of Athena, protector of adolescence and of the city, see Herington, op. cit. n. 119, pp. 8ff.; Athena and Artemis Parthenoi: O. Höfer in Roscher s.v. Parthenos, coll. 1661ff.; on the figure of Artemis at Ephesos as guardian of the polis, see above n. 20.

[ back ] 129. Paus. 2.23.5, who denies the authenticity of this statue; on the different versions of the legend of the Palladion, see the bibliographical references given above n. 115. It is still true that Athena plays an important role in the most ancient Argive myths: see Dümmler, art. cit. n. 118, coll. 1972ff.

[ back ] 130. Eur. Bacch. 196, 299, 686ff., etc.; all ages are subject to the influence of Dionysus: ibid. 201ff.; in the enormous amount of new readings provoked in those last twenty years by Euripides’ Bacchae, see particularly C. Segal, Dionysiac Poetics and Euripides’ Bacchae, Princeton 1982, and J.-P. Vernant, “Le Dionysus masque des Bacchantes d’Euripide,” in J.-P. Vernant and P. Vidal-Naquet, Mythe et tragédie en Grèce ancienne II, Paris 1986, pp. 237-270, with the useful historical and critical study of A. Henrichs, ‘”He Has a God in Him’: Human and Divine in the Modern Perception of Dionysus,” in Carpenter and Faraone, Masks of Dionysus, pp. 13-43. For the dance of the Maenads, see Lonsdale, Dance, pp. 99ff.

[ back ] 131. For the celebration of the Agrio(/a)nia, see F.A. Voigt in Roscher, s.v. Dionysus, col. 1052ff.; Jeanmaire, Dionysus, pp. 202ff.; Burkert, Homo Necans, pp. 189ff.; Dowden, Death and the Maiden, pp. 82ff.; and Casadio, op. cit. n. 88, pp. 83ff. and 108ff., who has not understood the meaning of the remarks presented here on the intervention of Dionysus in the domain of femininity in general. For Orchomenos and Thebes in particular, see Schachter, Cults of Boeotia I, pp. 179ff. and 185ff.; a ritual of the Agriania was celebrated at other Boeotian sites as well: at Chaironeia and maybe at Haliartos and Tanagra: ibid., pp. 173ff., 176 and 183ff. On the legend of the Minyades, see S. Eitrem, RE 15 (1932), s.v. Minyaden; the main source for this myth is Ant. Lib. 10: see Papathomopoulos, Ant. Lib., pp. 90ff.; on the Proitides, see above pp. 116ff.

[ back ] 132. On the Maenads, see Voigt, art. cit. n. 131, col. 1042ff., and J. Bremmer, “Greek Maenadism Reconsidered,” ZPE 55, 1984, pp. 267-286. The communal and ritual character of the groups of Maenads has been pointed out by A. Henrichs, “Changing Dionysiac Identities,” in B. F. Meyer and E. P. Sanders (edd.), Jewish and Christian Self-Definition III, London 1982, pp. 137-160; for the Maenads in Athenian tragedy, see R. Schlesier, “Mixtures of Masks: Maenads as Tragic Models,” in Carpenter and Faraone, Masks of Dionysus, pp. 89-114. The comparison of the three Proitides/Minyades and the three daughters of Kadmos has been made by E. R. Dodds, Euripides. Bacchae, Oxford 21960, pp. 161f.

[ back ] 133. The college of sixteen women of Elis served both deities jointly: see above p. 114. For the composition of the chorus of Dionysus, see Seaford, JHS 108, pp. 124ff.

[ back ] 134. Sim. fr. 148 Β = Bacch. Epigr. 3 P, see Wilamowitz, Sappho, pp. 218ff., Pickard-Cambridge, Dithyramb, p. 16; see above pp. 79f.

[ back ] 135. Paus. 5.16.6f. and 6.26.1; Plut. Mor. 299a; Weniger, Elis, pp. 4ff. and 10ff., J. Schmidt in Roscher, s.v. Thyia (4), and Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 291ff.; on the meaning of Thyad, see J. Schmidt in Roscher, s.v. Thyias: the Thyads are mainly adult women.

[ back ] 136. Plut. Μor. 299b and 364f = PMG carm. pop. fr. 871 P; see above pp. 79f. The poem has been commented on by C. Bérard, “Axie taure,” in Mélanges Paul Collart, Lausanne 1976, pp. 61-78, and C. Brown, “Dionysus and the Women of Elis: PMG 871,” GRBS 23, 1982, pp. 305-314. Insisting on the leaping of Dionysus, M. Detienne, Dionysus à ciel ouvert, Paris 1986, pp. 84ff., recalls that Paus. 6.26.1 puts the Thyia of Elis in relationship with one other, extra-urban sanctuary of Dionysus, marked by a ritual miracle of the wine, in this case no longer for the women, but for the men.

[ back ] 137. Paus. 7.19.1ff.; see M. Massenzio, “La festa di Artemis Triklaria e Dionysus Aisymnetes a Patrai,” SMSR 39, 1968, pp. 101-132, who interprets this rite and its aition as initiatory; see also Privitera, op. cit. n. 88, pp. 29ff., and R. Seaford, “Dionysus as Destroyer of the Household: Homer, Tragedy, and the Polis,” in Carpenter and Faraone, Masks of Dionysus, pp. 115-146, with the fine interpretation of the relationship between the aition and this “prematrimonial” ritual proposed by J. -P. Vernant, Figures, idoles, masques, Paris 1990, pp. 189ff., and the development given by J. Redfield, “From Sex to Politics: The Rites of Artemis Triklaria and Dionysus Aisymnêtês at Patras,” in Halperin, Winkler, Zeitlin, Before Sexuality, pp. 115-134.

[ back ] 138. Aristoph. Thesm. 969ff.; on the play on genre and gender in this comedy, see F. I. Zeitlin, “Travesties of gender arid genre in Aristophanes’ Thesmophoriazousae,” in Foley, Reflections of Women, pp. 169-217.

[ back ] 139. See Farnell, Cults III, pp. 78ff. and 91ff.; O. Kern, RE 4 (1901), s.v. Demeter, coll. 2748ff.; and Nilsson, Religion I, pp. 461ff. On the privileged relations between Demeter and Dionysus, ibid., coll. 2754f.

[ back ] 140. Ath. 13.609ef, see above pp. 122f. The fact that the third day of the Thesmophoria at Athens was called Kalligeneia, during which the participants prayed for perfect offspring, might confirm the interpretation of the beauty contests: the beauty of the woman was perhaps judged by whether she looked as if she could bear fine children. On the Kalligeneia, see Deubner, Att. Feste, pp. 57f., and M. Detienne and J. -P. Vernant, La cuisine du sacrifice en pays grec, Paris 1979, pp. 191ff.

[ back ] 141. Aristoph. Thesm. 331 and Ran. 445ff.; on these two rituals see Deubner, Att. Feste, pp. 40ff., and Chirassi Colombo, QUCC 30, pp. 38ff. For the rest of Greece, Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 313ff. On the composition of the chorus of Aristophanes’ Ranae and the ritual it performs, see Κ.J. Dover, Aristophanes. Frogs, Oxford 1993, pp. 57ff.

[ back ] 142. H. Cer. 270ff., Paus. 1.38.6, see Deubner, Att. Feste, p. 74 with pl. (6, 2) of the archaic well found on the site of Eleusis, and Richardson, op. cit. n. 8, pp. 326ff., for the complicated question of the archaeological identification of this well. On the austere female character of this festival, implying the legitimacy of marriage and domestic virtues in contrast to the disorder rampant in the Adonia, see Detienne, Adonis, pp. 151ff. On the other hand there is no way of linking to any known cult the Alexandrian fragment (Coll. Alex. fr. lyr. ad. 9 Powell) sung by a chorus of adolescents in honor of Demeter; it is probably only a free imitation of a poem by Alcman: see the commentary of Powell ad loc.; but see nevertheless Call. Cer. 118f., whose hymn was perhaps composed for a festival of Demeter that took place at Alexandria: see the prudent remarks of N. Hopkinson, Callimachus. Hymn to Demeter, Cambridge 1984, pp. 32ff.

[ back ] 143. Sch. Aristoph. Plut. 1014 and Tzetz. ad loc. (IV. 1, p. 209, 11ff. Koster); Hdt. 5.83, see above p. 64, and Richardson, op. cit. n. 8, pp. 213ff. The insults proffered by the women were also customary in the Athenian ritual of the Stenia; this ritual, dedicated to Demeter and Kore, was connected with the Thesmophoria: see Deubner, Att. Feste, p. 52.

[ back ] 144. Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 41ff., Farnell, Cults III, pp. 112f., Deubner, Att. Feste, pp. 53 and 57f.; see H. W. Stoll in Roscher, s.v. Auxesia, and R. Peter, ibid., s.v. Damia.

[ back ] 145. Pind. P. 3.77ff., sch. ad loc. (II. p. 80f. Drachmann), see Vita Ambros. (I, p. 2, 4ff. Drachmann) and Paus. 9.25.3, who mentions the existence at Thebes of a temple dedicated to Meter Dindymene: on this very controversial information, see Lehnus, L’inno a Pan, pp. 5ff. (other bibliographical references at p. 9 n. 14), and Schachter, Cults of Boeotia II, pp. 138ff.; see also above, p. 87. On this cult, see also A. Rapp in Roscher, s.v. Kybele, col. 1662, who shows the specific relationship of the Mother with Pan and the Nymphs in contrast to Cybele, Farnell, Cults III, p. 290, and Latte, Salt., pp. 93f.

[ back ] 146. This information corresponds to one of the solutions given by the scholia to explain the term κόραι; the other version uses the term νύμφαι.

[ back ] 147. Pind. frr. 95 and 99 M; the Vita Ambros., loc. cit. n. 145, gives a somewhat different version of fr. 95: see Lehnus, L’inno a Pan, pp. 107ff. and 189ff.; on the Separate Partheneia, see Choeurs II, pp. 167f., and Lehnus, L’inno a Pan, pp. 68ff.

[ back ] 148. On the use the Nazis made of Spartan rigor, see Oliva, Sparta, p. 10, and Rawson, Tradition, pp. 338ff.; on the use of it made at the end of the sixties by the fascist regime in Greece, see for example the help given by the military government to the paramilitary associations of the Alkimoi (Le Monde, March 30, 1973).

[ back ] 149. Ath. 14.632f, Prat. fr. 709 Ρ = 4 Sn.; Pratinas shows a particular interest in Spartan music: see Plut. Mus. 7.9 and 42 (= Prat. fr. 713 Ρ = 7- 9 Sn). On Sparta’s musical fame, see Tigerstedt, Sparta I, pp. 41ff.; F. Stoessl, “Leben und Dichtung im Sparta des siebenten Jahrhunderts,” in Eumusia: Festgabe f ü r E. Howald, Erlenbach-Zürich 1947, pp. 92-114; Prato, Tirteo, pp. 37ff.; and Choeurs II, pp. 33ff. On the musical gifts of the Lacedaemonians, see W. Schmid and O. Stählin, Geschichte der griechischen Literatur, I. 1, München 1929, p. 453 n. 10.

[ back ] 150. Paus. 3.10.7, 3.24.9, 4.4.2 and 4.31.3, 3.23.10: see particularly Wide, Kulte, pp. 102ff.

[ back ] 151. On the cults, see Paus. 3.22.12, 3.20.7, 3.12.8; on the Spartan cult of Artemis Dictynna, see Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, pp. 202f.

[ back ] 152. Paus. 4.31.3 and Strab. 8.4.9, who distinguishes the Messenian Limnai from the Lacedaemonian.

[ back ] 153. Paus. 4.4.2 and 3.2.6 and 7.4 (Ἄρτεμις Λιμνάς). On the modern identification of the site and of the sanctuary, see IG V. 1, 1373-8 and 1431, 37ff., with F. Geiger, RE 13 (1926), s.v. Limnai (2), M. N. Valmin, Etudes topographiques sur la Messénie ancienne, Lund 1930, pp. 189ff., Chrimes, Sparta, pp. 63f., E. Meyer, RE Suppl. 15 (1978), s.v. Messenien, coll. 189f., and Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, p. 286.

[ back ] 154. Paus. 2.7.6 (Ἄρτεμις Λιμναία), 7.20.7 and 8.53.11; see Schreiber, art. cit. n. 20, coll. 559ff., H. Kruse, RE 13 (1926), s.v. Limnatis, and Thomson, Altgr. Gesellschaft I, p. 221.

[ back ] 155. On the meanings of the water and mountain traits of the Nymphs and Artemis and on the frequency of their occurrence, see L. Bloch in Roscher, s.v. Nymphen, coll. 504ff. and 519ff., Fehrle, Keuschheit, p. 166, as also Farnell, Cults II, pp. 427ff.

[ back ] 156. Paus. 4.4.2ff.; on the murder of Teleklos see also 3.2.6, 3.7.4 and 4.31.3 as also Strab. 6.3.3. In “Discours mythique et discours historique dans trois textes de Pausanias,” Degrés 17, 1979, pp. 1-30, I tried to show all the elements of initiatory ritual that are integrated into both versions of the story.

[ back ] 157. Strab. 8.4.9 and 6.3.3: in this last passage, Strabo only mentions the assassination of Teleklos, but he reports the event by referring to the description of Ephoros of the founding of Tarentum (Eph. FGrHist. 70 F 216: on Ephoros and the credibility of his report, see Tigerstedt, Sparta I, p. 210 with n. 896); Strab. 6.1.6: the rape is given as one of the reasons for the flight of a group of Messenians, guilty of murder, who then colonized Rhegium.

[ back ] 158. See Kiechle, Mess. Studien, pp. 9ff., Oliva, Sparta, pp. 105f., and Cartledge, Sparta, pp. 112ff.

[ back ] 159. Call. Dian. 170ff.; see above p. 92 and below pp. 151ff. and 159ff.

[ back ] 160. See, among others, Zeitlin, “Rape,” pp. 137ff.; see also above, p. 92 and below pp. 238ff.

[ back ] 161. AP 6.280.

[ back ] 162. Hom. Od. 6.99ff., see above p. 42; Call. Del. 296f., see above p. 106.

[ back ] 163. See below pp. 172f.

[ back ] 164. The comparison of the Messenian story and the ritual scenes of cross-dressing has been made by Brelich, Paides, p. 164 n. 156, with the ethnographic parallels cited p. 72 n. 60; on the theme of the inversion of the exterior signs of sexuality, see J. E. Harrison, Themis, Cambridge 21927, pp. 505ff.; M. Delcourt, Hermaphrodite, Paris 1958, pp. 5ff.; Brelich, Eroi, pp. 240ff.; C. Gallini, “Il travestismo rituale di Penteo,” SMSR 34, 1963, pp. 211-228; and Zeitlin, art. cit. n. 138.

[ back ] 165. Plut. Thes. 23, see Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 351ff., and above pp. 125ff., with the particulars I give in Thésée, pp. 128, 145, and 335f. The cross-dressing linked to a ruse and then to death is for instance the central point of the myth of Leukippos, son of Oinomaos: he disguised himself as a girl in order to come near the Nymph Daphne who avoided men, and to introduce himself among her companions; but the girls, on discovering the trick and led by the jealousy of Apollo, killed the hero: Paus. 8.20.2ff. and Parth. 15, see Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 440ff.; Dowden, Death and the Maiden, pp. 66 and 174ff.; Forbes Irving, Metamorphoses, pp. 152ff.; and below p. 252.

[ back ] 166. The role of the cross-dressing in the Messenian story has been compared to a homologous ruse in a ritual war between Phocians and Thessalians: see Ellinger, op. cit. n. 9, pp. 37ff. and 307f. On the role of the apate in the founding myths of adolescent rituals and particularly that associated with the Athenian Apatouria, see Vidal-Naquet, Le chasseur noir, pp. 155ff. The author shows to what degree the pinciple of inversion (institutional, sexual, etc.) is characteristic of the period of transition between adolescence and adulthood; see also Schmitt, art. cit. n. 128, pp. 1060ff.

[ back ] 167. Ant. Lib. 13, with the commentary of Papathomopoulos, Ant. Lib., p. 102.

[ back ] 168. Papathomopoulos, loc. cit. n. 167, recalls that the hoplite normally carried his sword on the right: here too the reversal is significant.

[ back ] 169. On a Cretan myth and rite of sex change in adolescence, see Ant. Lib. 17, with Willetts, Cults, pp. 175ff., and Brelich, Paides, pp. 201f.

[ back ] 170. According to Ps. Plut. Fluv. 17.3, the Nymph Taygete hanged herself for shame after being violated by Zeus. Similarly, the Nymph Briotmartis, the hunting companion of Artemis, threw herself into the sea for fear of the advances of Minos; saved by the nets of the fishermen, she was later worshipped as Artemis Dictynna: sch. Eur. Hipp. 1130 (II, p. 121 Schwartz). Again, according to one of the episodes of Pausanias before the battle of Leuctra, the two daughters of a local man, raped by Spartan soldiers, strangled themselves, not wanting to survive such an act of hybris: Paus. 9.13.5; on other parallels in myths about the suicides of young women, see Brelich, Paides, p. 443 n. 2. On the rape of adolescents as prematrimonial sacrifice, see Burkert, Homo Necans, pp. 73ff.

[ back ] 171. See IG V. 1.1375-77, and V. 1.952, with Brelich, Guerre, p. 39. Plutarch, Mor. 239c, notes that in Laconia adolescents of both sexes had common sanctuaries.

[ back ] 172. Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 210ff.

[ back ] 173. Eur. Bacch. 1051f., see also 704ff.; on the correspondence between the Dionysiac landscape and characteristics of the god and his followers who inhabit it, see Voigt, art. cit. n. 131, coll. 1059ff., Rapp, art. cit. n. 132, coll. 2245ff., and Buxton, Imaginary Greece, pp. 94ff.

[ back ] 174. IG V. 1.225 and 226, AP 6.280.1; see Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 211f.; on the τύμπανον as Dionysiac instrument, see K. Schneider, RE 7A (1939), s.v. Tympanum, coll. 1750f.

[ back ] 175. Tac. Ann. 4.43, Steph. Byz. s.v. Δενθάλιοι (p. 255 Meineke); on the position of this territory, see Valmin, op. cit. n. 152, pp. 194f.

[ back ] 176. Brelich, Guerre, passim, F. de Polignac, La naissance de la cit é grecque, Paris 1984, pp. 58ff. and 146ff., and Ellinger, op. cit. n. 9, pp. 41ff.; on the meanings of boundary territory, outside the city, see also Robert, art. cit. n. 99, pp. 304ff., and Buxton, Imaginary Greece, pp. 81 ff.

[ back ] 177. Phot. Lex. s.v. Καρυάτεια (I, p. 314 Naber). On the location of Karyai, see Frazer, Paus. III, pp. 319f.; Chrimes, Sparta, pp. 68f.; and Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, pp. 189f. Karyai might have been near the remains of a fortress, more than a kilometer from the modern village of Kryavrysi. At the foot of the hill runs the Sarantopotamos. It is possible that the sanctuary of Artemis Karyatis, as that of Limnatis, was associated with a landscape in which there was much humidity.

[ back ] 178. Paus. 3.10.7; Hsch. s.v. Καρυάτεια and Καρυᾶτις (Κ 907 and 908 Latte).

[ back ] 179. Contrary to Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 197, I do not think the term ἐπιχώριος means that the dance was performed only by girls from Karyai. The sources insist on the participation of young Spartan girls in this festival. It is likely that in antiquity Karyai was not even a village.

[ back ] 180. See E. Fiechter, RE 10 (1917), s.v. Karyatides, coll. 2249f., and Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 197f. The comparison made by Eucrates (anecdote told by Ath. 6.24lde) between the attitude of a person eating in a friend’s crumbling home and that of the karyatid is the first time the term karyatid is associated with the specific pose of the architectural forms. It dates from the second half of the fourth century; see also Vitr. 1.1.5, and E. M. Schmidt, Geschichte der Karyatide, Würzburg 1982, pp. 17ff.

[ back ] 181. Plut. Artax. 18.1, Poll. 4.104, see also Luc. Salt. 10 and Stat. Theb. 4.225. For representations of these dances, see Ghali-Kahil, art. cit. n. 29, p. 29 with n. 69.

[ back ] 182. Diom. Art. Gramm. 3 (I, p. 486, 20ff. Keil), Prob. ad Verg. Buc. and Georg. (= Serv. III. 2, p. 324, 8ff. Thilo-Hagen) and Serv. ad Verg. Buc., Prooem. (III. 1, pp. 1f. Thilo-Hagen) = sch. Theocr. Proleg. (p. 20 Wendel)); see F. Frontisi-Ducroux, “Artémis bucolique,” RHR 198, 1981, pp. 29-56, and below p. 155 with n. 194.

[ back ] 183. Paus. 4.16.9f.

[ back ] 184. Callisth. FGrHist. 124 F 23, with commentary by Jacoby, FGrHist. II C, pp. 424f., and Ephor. ap. Diod. Sic. 15.66; see also Paus. 4.6.1ff. On Aristomenes as historical character, see Jacoby, FGrHist. III A, pp. 169ff., as also Oliva, Sparta, pp. 104f. and 139ff., and on the mythical aspect of this same figure, Brelich, Eroi, pp. 317ff. [ back ] See the remarks of Jacoby, FGrHist. III A. pp. 138ff., concerning the sources of Paus. 4.14.6-17.9; Kiechle, Mess. Studien, pp. 15f. and 104f., thinks that Pausanias’ story only follows Rhianos from 4.17.10 (see 4.6.2).

[ back ] 185. See the remarks of Jacoby, FGrHist. III A, pp. 138ff., concerning the sources of Paus. 4.14.6-17.9; Kiechle, Mess. Studien, pp. 15f. and 104f., thinks that Pausanias’ story only follows Rhianos from 4.17.10 (see 4.6.2).

[ back ] 186. Brelich, Ρaides, p. 165.

[ back ] 187. Lact. ad Stat. Theb. 4.225. King, in Images, pp. 118ff., has recently proposed to interpret the suicide of young girls by strangulation as a symbolic expression of the fear of the bloodletting of menarche and of defloration.

[ back ] 188. Serv. ad Verg. Buc. 8.29 (III. 1, p. 96f. Thilo-Hagen); see Forbes-Irving, Metamorphoses, pp. 264ff. and 50ff. To the criticisms formulated by the author concerning an “initiatory” interpretation of this story, I should answer that the whole setting of the myth (sanctuary of Artemis, on the border of Laconia, in an uncultivated region) refers this particular metamorphosis to the rites of tribal initiation. The metamorphosis into a mineral or into a vegetable itself can, of course, have different semantic values according to the narrative context into which it has been inserted.

[ back ] 189. See Ant. Lib. 32.5: Smyrna transformed into a myrrh tree after a ‘virginal’ union with her father; Apoll. 3.14.4 = Panyas. fr. 27 Bernabé: Syrinx was changed into a reed to escape Pan; Ant. Lib. 22.4: the Nymphs were transformed into poplars by Poseidon so that he could unite with one of them; see Forbes Irving, Metamorphoses, pp. 128ff. On the Hamadryads, Nymphs of the trees among whom is Karya, see Ath. 3.78b.

[ back ] 190. The gloss of Servius (above n. 188) relating the myth of Karya indicates the various meanings given to the nut in Roman antiquity; all these cultural significations in one way or another denote marriage: it may be the “nuts of Jupiter” (juglandes) when speaking of his union with Juno, or the nuts thrown down to cover the cries of the young wife at the moment of her deflowering; given the implications of adolescence in the myth of Karya, it is not improbable that the nut had similar connotations in Greece.

[ back ] 191. Wide, Kulte, p. 108 and Brelich, Paides, pp. 164f. Among sources reporting the cult relation between Artemis and Dionysus cited by Wide, only that for the cult of Patras (Paus. 7.19.1ff.) is pertinent. At Epidaurus (Paus. 2.29.1) and at Troizen (Paus. 2.31.5), the two divinities enjoyed only a geographic closeness. At Aegina (Paus. 2.30.1), this closeness, which also included Apollo, might have had a cult basis, but there is no evidence that confirms it.

[ back ] 192. Prat. fr. 711 P = 1 Sn. (quoted by Ath. 9.392f: δυμαναις cod., Δυσμαίναις corr. Meineke), see above p. 79; Hsch. s.v. Δύμαιναι (Δ 2600 Latte; δυσμαιναι cod., Δύμαιναι corr. Latte): αἱ ἐν Σπάρτῃ χορίτιδες Βάκχα; see also Brev. Exp. ad Verg. Georg. 2.487 (III. 2, p. 316, 16f. Thilo-Hagen) and Plin. NH 36.4.23.

[ back ] 193. See above pp. 137f. and pp. 142f. See M. Detienne, Dionysus mis à mort, Paris 1977, pp. 75ff., and G. Hedreen, “Silenus, nymphs and maenads,” JHS 114, 1994, pp. 47-69.

[ back ] 194. See above p. 150 with n. 182; the name astrabikon that Probus gives to the pastoral song of Karyai could come from the Spartan hero’s name Astrabakos whom Wide, Kulte, pp. 279f., interprets as the hypostasis of Dionysus; see Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 198f. On contacts between Artemis and Dionysus with regard to bucolic poetry, see R. Reizenstein, Epigramm und Skolion, Giessen 1893, pp. 193ff., and at Sparta itself in a poem of Alcman (fr. 56 Ρ = 125 C), see Calame, Alcman, pp. 520ff.

[ back ] 195. Alcm. fr. 10 (b). 8ff. Ρ = 82a. 1 C = P. Oxy. 2506 (a), fr. 5, col. II. 8ff., see above pp. 58ff.; in the PMG, Page conjectures Δυ|μαί[ναις, while in vol. 29 of the P. Oxy., p. 7, he writes δυ[|μαι[.

[ back ] 196. Alcm. fr. 5.2, col. I (sic). 24f. P = 81, col. II. 24f. C = P. Oxy. 2390, fr. 2, col. II. 24.: ὁ δὲ χ]ορός (ἐστι) | Δύμα[ιναι.

[ back ] 197. See Calame, Alcman, pp. 388ff., and below pp. 219f.

[ back ] 198. Alcm. fr. 11 Ρ = 24 C = P. Oxy. 2389, fr. 35: col. I, 5 Δύ̣μαι | [ν-, j17 Δ]υμαιν[, 1 παρσεν[ (as lemma), 25 πα]̣ρ ̣σένω[ν] μάλι[σ]τ̣ άείσατ[ε, with the commentary of Lobel, P. Oxy. vol. 24, p. 47; cf. also Alcm. fr. 4.5 Ρ = 61 C.

[ back ] 199. I prefer to Meineke’s correction (Δυσμαίναις, see above n. 192) the reading of the ms. of Athenaeus (δυμάναις), which can probably be corrected to Δυμαίναις; but in Hesychius, Latte is right in modifying the lemma Δύσμαιναι to Δύμαιναι; what Hesychius offers us is a kind of reinterpretation of the lemma through its definition, itself a reinterpretation wrongly accepted by Farnell, Cults V, p. 155 ( = the dangerously mad ones), and Jeanmaire, Dionysus, p. 212; see also now Arrigoni, in Le donne in Grecia, pp. 77ff.

[ back ] 200. Artemis Dictynna (Paus. 3.12.8) had a temple within the walls of the city, but near them (see Frazer, Paus. III, p. 331, Hitzig-Bluemmer, Paus. I, p. 775, Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, pp. 202f.); another temple was probably near the fortifications, since it was in a spot called τά Φρούρια (Paus. 3.12.8; a place difficult to identify: see Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, p. 204). The sanctuaries of Artemis Aiginaia and Issoria were west of the Agora near the Pitane quarter (Paus. 3.14.2: see Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, p. 213), the latter also associated with a fortified site (see Plut. Ages. 32.6, with Frazer, Paus. III, pp. 334f.). Artemis Hegemone, near the sanctuaries of the Dioskouroi, the Graces, Eileithyia, and Apollo Karneios, was at a distance from the famous Dromos (Paus. 3.14.6) which itself was outside the town (Liv. 34.27, with Hitzig-Bluemmer, Paus. I, p. 787). It is hard to identify the site of the temple of Artemis Knagia, whose originating legend is related by Pausanias (3.18.4f.; see Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, p. 233) just at the end of his description of the town. He then goes on to speak of Amyklai. On the cults of Artemis in Sparta, see Ziehen, RE 3A, coll. 1462ff.

[ back ] 201. Paus. 3.11.9; see Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, pp. 196f.

[ back ] 202. The great account of the excavations undertaken on the site of the sanctuary of Orthia at the beginning of the century dates from 1929: R.M. Dawkins, “The History of the Sanctuary,” in Dawkins, Orthia, pp. 1-51. For the chronological development of the sanctuary, see more recently J. Boardman, “Artemis Orthia and Chronology,” ABSA 58, 1963, pp. 1-7; J.T. Hooker, The Ancient Spartans, London-Toronto-Sydney 1980, pp. 52ff.; Nafissi, Kosmos, pp. 161f.; and Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, pp. 226f. See Paus. 3.16.7f., Strab. 8.4.9; without unfortunately being able to explain this isolated piece of information, we notice that Pausanias, 3.14.2, says that Artemis Issoria or Britomartis also has the epiclesis Limnaia in Sparta; this is not enough, however, to see in Artemis Orthia the figure of an Artemis Limnatis, as some would like: see O. Höfer in Roscher, s.v. Orthia, col. 1211; on other Hellenic sites with a cult of Artemis Orthia, ibid., col. 1210.

[ back ] 203. Strab. 8.5.1; on the location of the Limnai quarter, see Bölte, RE 3A, coll. 1363f.

[ back ] 204. See above n. 202.

[ back ] 205. See Xen. Resp. Lac. 2.9, Plut. Mor. 239cd, Lyc. 18.2 and Paus. 8.23.1.

[ back ] 206. See Rawson, Tradition, pp. 109ff., 132, 178, and 252.

[ back ] 207. See Liban. Or. 1.23, Tert. Mart. 4, other references in Wide, Kulte, p. 100, and Michell, Sparta, p. 176 n. 4. Michell is certainly wrong in considering this rite to a large extent a Roman creation; see on the contrary Chrimes, Sparta, pp. 248ff., and Brelich, Paides, pp. 133ff.

[ back ] 208. The first scholars to use the term initiation with regard to this rite were Frazer, Paus. III, pp. 341f., and Nilsson, Klio 12, p. 308ff. See later Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 510f.; Willetts, Cults, p. 46; and Brelich, Paides, pp. 129ff. and 173ff. Cursory allusion to the initiatory function of the rite in I. Chirassi, Miti e culti arcaici di Artemis nel Peloponneso e nella Grecia Centrale, Trieste 1964, pp. 16f.; see now also J.-P. Vernant, La mort dans les yeux: Figures de l’Autre en Gr è ce ancienne, Paris 1985, pp. 25ff., and Pettersson, Apollo at Sparta, pp. 78ff., with the cautious remarks of P. Bonnechère, “Orthia et la flagellation des éphèbes spartiates. Un souvenir chimérique de sacrifice humain.” Kernos 6, 1993, pp. 11-22.

[ back ] 209. See sch. ad Hdt. 9.85 and sch. ad Strab. published by H. Diller, “A New Source on the Spartan Ephebia,” AJPh 72, 1941, pp. 499-501. On the controversy about this, see H.-I. Marrou, “Les classes d’age de la jeunesse spartiate,” REA 48, 1946, pp. 216-230; A. Billheimer, “Age-Classes in Spartan Education,” TAPhA 78, 1947, pp. 99-104; Michell, Sparta, pp. 165ff.; Den Boer, Lac. Studies, pp. 248ff.; C. M. Tazelaar, “ΠΑΙΔΕΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΦΗΒΟΙ. Some Notes on the Spartan Stages of Youth,” Mnemosyne IV. 20, 1967, pp. 127-153, etc., as also analyses of the historians of religion mentioned above n. 208 (particularly Brelich, Paides, pp. 116ff.).

[ back ] 210. IG V. 1.252-334, see A.M. Woodward, “Inscriptions,” in Dawkins, Orthia, pp. 285-377 (pp. 286ff.); Chrimes, Sparta, pp. 86ff. and 247 n. add.; and Brelich, Paides, p. 130.

[ back ] 211. Paus. 3.16.9f.; the πομπὴ Λυδῶν which, according to Plut. Aristid. 17.10, followed the flagellation of the ephebes on the altar of the goddess, cannot be interpreted as Chrimes, Sparta, p. 266, and Page, Alcman, p. 72, think, as a procession of girls: see Diels, Hermes 31, p. 361. This does not give us the only ritual practice for girls in the cult of Orthia. Following the whipping, it is more likely that the procession represents the stage in which the ephebes, after having been beaten, were presented to the community; another interpretation, in relationship to the masks found in the sanctuary of Orthia (see below, pp. 172f.), has been presented by F. Graf, Nordionische Kulte, Roma-Vevey 1985, pp. 85ff. On the dispute among the inhabitants of the four obai of Sparta, see Brelich, Guerre, p. 74 n. 147.

[ back ] 212. Plut. Thes. 31 = Hellan. FGrHist. 4 F 168a = 323a F 18; bibliographical references in Calame, Thésée, pp. 262ff. (with n. 180) and 399ff. (on the history of this episode of Theseus’ legend).

[ back ] 213. Enarsphoros had a herοon in Sparta: Paus. 3.15.2; on the Hippocoontids as ἀντιμνηστῆρες of the Dioskouroi, see sch. Clem. Alex. Protr. 2.30.5 (I, p. 305 Staehlin), and Alcm. fr. 1, 1ff. Ρ = 3, 1ff. C: see Choeurs II, pp. 37ff., and Alcman, pp. 313ff.; on the struggles between Hippocoon and Tyndareos for the possession of Sparta, see H.W. Stoll in Roscher, s.v. Hippokoon (1). The scene of Helen’s abduction was depicted on the throne of Amyklai: Paus. 3.18.15.

[ back ] 214. Sch. A Hom. Il. 3.542 = Alcm. fr. 21 Ρ = 210 C, see Hyg. Fab. 79: (Theseus et Pirithous) Helenam Tyndarei et Ledae filiam virginem de fano Dianae sacrificantem rapuerunt, on the other sources of this version see Ghali-Kahil, Helene, pp. 305ff.

[ back ] 215. According to Tzetz. ad Lyc. 513 = Hellan. FGrHist 4 F 168b = 323a F 19, Helen was seven years old when Theseus abducted her; she was twelve according to Apoll. Epit. 1.23 (according to Apoll. 3.10.7, she was carried off as soon as she became distinguished for her beauty: on her age suggested by this, see below pp. 196ff.); on the significance of the very young age of Helen when she was abducted, see Brulé, La fille d’ Ath è nes, pp. 98 and 366f., and Sourvinou-Inwood, Girls’ Transitions, pp. 52ff.

[ back ] 216. London BM Β 310 (pl. 103, 1 Ghali-Kahil); Florence 82894 (plates 104, 1 and 2 Ghali-Kahil), see also the fr. Sofia (pl. 104, 3 Ghali-Kahil); other iconographic objects in Ghali-Kahil, Hélène, pp. 309ff. and 320, and von Steuben, op. cit. p. 54 n. 138, pp. 35 and 115; but the identification of those scenes is far from certain: see Brommer, Theseus, pp. 94f.

[ back ] 217. Pind. O. 3.26ff. with sch. ad loc. (I, pp. 121f. Drachmann); other sources for the myth in O. Höfer in Roscher, s.v. Taygete. See also Wide, Kulte, p. 127; E. Krummen, Pyrsos Hymnon: Festliche Gegenwart und mythisch-rituelle Tradition als Voraussetzung einer Pindarinterpretation, Berlin-New York 1990, pp. 247ff.; and Forbes Irving, Metamorphoses, pp. 298ff. The abduction of Taygete by Zeus was pictured on the throne of Amyklai: Paus. 3.18.10; on the form Ὀρθωσία for Ὀρθία, see Davison, Arch.-Pind., pp. 171f., and Lipourlis, EEThess 10, pp. 366f. According to Steph. Byz. s.v. Ταΰγετον (p. 607 Meineke), Taygete was supposed to have been the mother of Eurotas. See Ps. Plut. Fluv. 17.1 where Taygete killed herself in shame after being raped by Zeus and where Eurotas is described as the son of Taygete and Lakedaimon. On the Arcadian Orthia, see Höfer, art. cit. n. 202, col. 1210, and W. Immerwahr, Die Kulte und Mythen Arkadiens, Leipzig 1891, pp. 147f.

[ back ] 218. The age classes given by the inscriptions correspond to the μικιζόμενος, πρόπαις, παῖς and μελλείρην given by the sch. to Hdt. and Strab.: see above notes 209 and 210. It seems that, even if these denominations seem to refer to younger age classes, they lead to the status of ephebes: see Chrimes, Sparta, pp. 91ff.

[ back ] 219. Paus. 3.16.7ff.; in another version of the legend, Astrabakos and Alopekos, the descendants in the fifth generation of the first king of Sparta, Agis, became insane when they found the goddess’s statue.

[ back ] 220. On the origins of the xoanon of Artemis at Brauron or at Halai, on one of the ἔσχατα of Attica, see Eur. IT 1446ff., Call. Dian. 174, Paus. 1.23.7 and 33.1. See Deubner, Att. Feste, pp. 208f. (who differentiates the cults of Artemis Tauropolos and Artemis at Brauron); Brelich, Paides, pp. 242ff.; and Brulé, La fille d’Athènes, pp. 192ff. On the Taurian origins of Artemis, see Schreiber, art. cit. n. 20, coll. 586ff.; H.W. Stoll in Roscher, s.v. Iphigeneia, coll. 299ff.; Farnell, Cults II, pp. 452ff.; and Lloyd-Jones, JHS 103, pp. 95ff.

[ back ] 221. Paus. 3.16.11; the agnus castus (the chaste tree) had a thick trunk in which a xoanon could be sculpted as is the case, at Sparta itself, for the xoanon of Asclepius Agnites: Paus. 3.14.7; for the presence of the agnus castus in the sanctuary of the Nymphs near the Ilissus, see Plat. Phaedr. 230b (description of the qualities of this tree in R. Wagner, RE 1 [1894], s.v. Agnos). One could conceive that the statue of Artemis Orthia was carved in this wood. It is also possible that the original statue consisted of a simple bundle of branches of the “chaste tree,” as is the case for the Latin struppi placed on the pulvinar and venerated as the incarnation of the god thus represented: on this custom, see C. Boetticher, Der Baumkultus der Hellenen, Berlin 1856, pp. 221f.

[ back ] 222. See Ath. 15.672de and Paus. 7.4.4 and 8.23.5, with Frazer, Paus. III, pp. 343f.; Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 46ff.; Blech, Kranz, pp. 247ff.; and Pötscher, Hera, pp. 125ff.

[ back ] 223. On Artemis Cedreatis, see Paus. 8.13.2; on Artemis and the tree, see Nilsson, Religion I, pp. 486f.

[ back ] 224. See above p. 102 with n. 38.

[ back ] 225. Ael. NA 9.26, Plin. NH 24.9.38, Dsc. 1.134 and Gal. 11, pp. 807ff. Kühn.

[ back ] 226. In his analysis of the role of the agnus castus in the festival of the Tonaia, Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 48f., supposes, in the qualities attributed to it, a diachronic change of the signified: from a symbol of the sexual instinct and fertility, the agnus castus would become the sign of continence by the resemblance of its signifier ἄγνος with the word ἁγνός. It is, however, not to be assumed that the quality of diminishing sexual desire is only attributed to the tree during the Thesmophoria: compare Plin. NH 24.9.38 with 62. See now the interesting analysis of the values of the λύγος proposed in his interpretation of Anacr. fr. 352 Ρ by M. Nafissi, “Anacreonti, i Tonea et la corona di lygos,” PP 38, 1983, pp. 417-439. Here again, the reduction of an apparent contradiction to a historical explanation misses the specific meaning of the term, in this case the agnus castus, whose qualities clearly signify in Greece the status of the married woman: Greek marriage does not only correspond with the satisfaction of a sexual drive; above all it serves to generate descendants. On the value of the fecundity of the agnus castus, see Deubner, Att. Feste, p. 56, who remains no less a victim of Nilsson’s error; on the role of the agnus castus in the Thesmophoria in relation with other plants, see Detienne, Adonis, pp. 153ff., and op. cit. n. 140, pp. 213f. Fehrle, Keuschheit, pp. 139ff, has well shown, notably with regard to the Tonaia of Samos, the double role of purification and fecundation that the agnus castus has in Greek cult. According to Fehrle, it is the feature of ‘fecundity’ which, through the medium of the “Lebensrute,” would link the agnus castus to the cult of Artemis Orthia; see also Kerenyi, Zeus, pp. 127ff.; other speculations in Pötscher, Hera, pp. 65ff. and 147ff.

[ back ] 227. See A. Thomsen, “Orthia,” ARW 9, 1906, pp. 397-416 (pp. 406ff.), and Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 190ff. On the beneficent power of the agnus castus see the custom reported by Plut. Mor. 693f, with commentary by Deubner, Att. Feste, p. 195.

[ back ] 228. This according to the proposition formulated by King, in Images, pp. 122f.; see also Wide, Kulte, p. 114.

[ back ] 229. Sch. Pind. O. 3 30 (I, pp. 121f. Drachmann), sch. Plat. Leg. 633b (p. 306 Greene), sch. Lyc. 1331 (II, p. 375 Scheer), EM 631.2f.; all the etymologies given by the scholia of Pindar concern the Arcadian Orthia whom I discussed in connection with the myth of the Nymph Taygete.

[ back ] 230. References in Höfer, art. cit. n. 202, coll. 1212f.; H.J. Rose, “The Cult of Artemis Orthia,” in Dawkins, Orthia, pp. 399-407 (pp. 403f.); and Lipourlis, EEThess 10, pp. 368f. Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 521ff., has linked the idea of erection suggested by Orthia with the tree cult: he makes Artemis Orthia-Lygodesma concurrent with Artemis Korythalia whose cult was gradually limited to the newborn. Chrimes, Sparta, p. 258, sees in Artemis Orthia a mountain deity; and Brelich, Paides, pp. 131f., no longer bases his findings on possible etymologies of the term Orthia, but on the votive figurines found in the sanctuary of the goddess: R.M. Dawkins, “The Terracotta Figurines,” in Dawkins, Orthia, pp. 145-162 (p. 149), and “Objects in Carved Ivory and Bone,” ibid., pp. 203-248 (pp. 205ff.); and A.J.B. Wace, “The Lead Figurines,” ibid., pp. 249-284 (pp. 259ff. and 283). Brelich identifies her with the πότνια θηρῶν, the mistress of the animals. On the role attributed to women in the Spartan community, see below pp. 234ff.

[ back ] 231. On Asclepius Orthios as the god savior, see O. Höfer in Roscher, s.v. Orthios; see also ibid., s.v. Orthopolis.

[ back ] 232. The interpretation of the flagellation given by Thomsen, art. cit. n. 227, pp. 407ff. is significant: he rejects the rites of tribal initiation and thus the interpretation of the flagellation as a death rite, substitute or symbol of a real human sacrifice; however, he admits that the flagellation, perhaps done with agnus castus branches, was to stimulate growth and good health in adolescents, and it becomes the symbol of an “Einweihung zum Leben” (p. 409); see for the contrary opinion W. Burkert, “Demaratos, Astrabakos und Herakles,” MH 22, 1965, pp. 166-177 (p. 173), much clearer than A. Seeberg, “Astrabica,” SO 41, 1966, pp. 48-74; see also Graf, op. cit. n. 211, pp. 83ff., who speaks of a ritual of “Auflosung vor dem Neuanfang.”

[ back ] 233. Plat. Theaet. 149d; Socrates insists on the fact that midwives were even more proud of their ability to bring together couples who would have fine children than of their efficiency at the birth of a child. The important part of childbirth is thus its result: ὡς ἀρίστους παῖδας τίκτειν.

[ back ] 234. Wide, Kulte, p. 114; interpretation rejected by Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 191; see Ant. Lib. 27.4 where Iphigenia is called Ὀρσιλοχία, she who delivers children; the term Ἰφιγένεια cannot be interpreted as ἶφι γεννᾶσθαι ποιοῦσα; in the compounds in -γενής, such as αἰθρηγενής, διογενής, εὐγενής, the morpheme -γενής, which goes back to the root *gen-, is always intransitive: see Chantraine, Dict. étym., s.v. γίγνομαι, p. 222 (on the feminine ἰφιγένεια from a masculine *ἰφιγενής, see Schwyzer, Gr. Gr. II, p. 34); the goddess born “with power” is also she who then favors vigorous newborns. On the relatedness of Iphigenia and Artemis, see Paus. 2.35.1, Hsch. s.v. Ἰφιγένεια (Ι 1122 Latte): ἡ Ἄρτεμις; see Brelich, Paides, p. 275; Lloyd-Jones, JHS 103, pp. 95ff.; and Brulé, La fille d’Athènes, pp. 186 and 191ff.

[ back ] 235. Eur. Suppl. 955ff., IT 1097ff. On the cult of Artemis Lochia and Eileithyia, see Schreiber, art. cit. n. 20, col. 571ff.; Brelich, Paides, p. 203; and T. Hadzisteliou Price, Kourotrophos: Cults and Representations of the Greek Nursing Deities, Leiden 1978, pp. 151f. and 157f.

[ back ] 236. See Frisk, GrEW, s.v. ὀρθός, P. Kretschmer, “Die vorgriechischen Sprach-und Volksschichten,” Glotta 30, 1943, pp. 84-218 (pp. 155f.), compares Orthia with Rhetia, the title of a Venetian goddess (cf. umbr. rehte = lat. recte) who also had a preserving function.

[ back ] 237. Call. Dian. 124ff.: for a possible allusion at line 128 to Artemis Orthia, see Bornmann, Call. Dian., pp. 64f.; in Aesch. Ag. 135ff., Artemis is angry because the eagles of Zeus kill a pregnant hare and devour her little ones along with the mother. From an anthropological point of view, the interpretation of Orthia as one who “raises” children could be confirmed in the fairly universal rite of “lifting” the newborn at birth; see N. Belmont, “Levana, or how ‘to raise’ children,” Annales E.S.C. 28, 1973, pp. 77-89.

[ back ] 238. The archaic figurines of Eileithyia discovered in excavations on the site of the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia might give reasons for attributing to this goddess the specific function of midwife: see Dawkins, art. cit. n. 202, p. 51. It is true that according to Paus. 3.17.1, Eileithyia had her own sanctuary near that of Orthia: see Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, pp. 227f. One might conjecture that in the archaic period the two cults were combined. Note that the two tiles with later inscriptions regarding Eileithyia (IG V. 1.867 and 868) were found in Orthia’s sanctuary: see W. S. George and A. M. Woodward, “The Architectural Terracottas,” in Dawkins, Orthia, pp. 117-162 (p. 143), also the inscription 169.24 (Woodward, art. cit. n. 210, p. 370). At any rate one cannot say that the etymology of Orthia makes her the goddess of childbirth as Eileithyia is (proposal by Wide, Kulte, pp. 113ff., repeated by Höfer, art. cit. n. 203, col. 1213). [ back ] On the other hand, with a short remark by Brelich, Paides, p. 191 n. 222, as point of departure, one could interpret the birth mentioned in the scholia to explain the etymology of Orthia as that of the initiate who, dead as an adolescent, is reborn into adult life. The safety of women giving birth would then simply correspond to the lack of comprehension of the scholiasts who had taken the word birth too literally, as have modern interpreters.

[ back ] 239. Diod. Sic. 5.73.4ff.; see above n. 108.

[ back ] 240. Thomson, Altgr. Gesellschaft I, pp. 220f., starting from the presence of a priestess in the flagellation rite of the ephebes, suggests that the cult originally consisted in an initiation rite for young girls; this thesis is used by Willetts, Cults, p. 185, in analyzing the Cretan cult of Artemis Dictynna.

[ back ] 241. See the references given above n. 202; add E. Kirsten, “Heiligtum und Tempel der Artemis Orthia zu Sparta in ihrer ältesten Entwicklung,” BJ 158, 1958, pp. 170-176; further bibliography in Davison, Hermes 73, p. 454 n. 1.

[ back ] 242. J.P. Droop, “The Laconian Pottery” in Dawkins, Orthia, pp. 52-116 (pp. 80ff.); Dawkins, art. cit. n. 230, pp. 145ff. and 203ff.; Wace, art. cit. n. 230, pp. 249ff., with the remarks of Wade-Gery, review of Dawkins, Orthia, JHS 50, 1930, pp. 146-150; and of R. M. Dawkins (et al.), “A Note on the Excavation of the Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia,” ibid., pp. 329-336. See also Boardman, art. cit. n. 202, which displaces the date of the end of Laconian II from 600 to about 580 and reduces the timespan established by his predecessors by a quarter of a century (thus agreeing with the conclusions of Kirsten, art. cit. n. 241), and Sourvinou, art. cit. p. 28 n. 38, pp. 173ff. C. M. Stibbe, Lakonische Vasenmaler des sechsten Jahrhunderts v. Chr., Amsterdam-London 1972, p. 9, arrives at similar conclusions. See also E. L. I. Marangou, Lakonische Elfenbein- und Beinschnitzerei, Tübingen 1969, p. 3 and passim, and Pipili, Iconography, pp. 41ff.

[ back ] 243. Woodward, art. cit. n. 210, p. 296ff.; on a more ancient origin for these games, see Brelich, Paides, pp. 174ff.

[ back ] 244. Woodward, art. cit. n. 210, pp. 308ff., and Pipili, Iconography, pp. 42ff.

[ back ] 245. A. M. Woodward, “Laconia. I. – Inscriptions,” ABSA 24, 1920, pp. 88-143 (pp. 116f.), and art. cit. n. 210, pp. 296ff.; on the problem of the correction of line 61 in fragment 1, see Choeurs II, pp. 119f., and Alcman, p. 333.

[ back ] 246. Ath. 4.139ab, the source for which is Polem. Hist. FHG fr. 86 (III, p. 142 Müller), Paus. 3.18.6, Alcm. fr. 62 Ρ = 223 C; on the geographical location of the Tiassos, see Frazer, Paus. III, p. 349; on this sanctuary see Ziehen, RE 3A, coll. 1464f.

[ back ] 247. On the ritual feasts of the Hyakinthia, see below pp. 183f.; although mentioned in the same passage from Polemon, the κοπίς of the Tithenidia is not identical to that of the Hyakinthia, and the two rituals were not celebrated at the same time. In Athenaeus, the expression κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον refers to the particular ocassion represented by the Tihenidia.

[ back ] 248. EM 531.53ff., 303.30ff. and 276.26ff., Hsch. s.v. κορυθαλία (3688 Latte), Eust. Od. 1856.33ff.

[ back ] 249. Wide, Kulte, pp. 123 f., Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 182ff.; given the homology of the three levels, the question as to the vegetal meaning or the human meaning of κόρος is difficult to decide: see Frisk, GrEW, s.v. κόρη; if one agrees with Frisk that the original meaning is ‘young man,’ the metaphor develops diachronically on two levels: the primary meaning of ‘young man’ has led to ‘branch’ which, associated with θάλλειν, was reused to refer metaphorically to the young man; on this, see also above p. 31 n. 48.

[ back ] 250. On the 6th of Mounichion and Pyanopsia rituals, see above pp. 126ff.

[ back ] 251. Hsch. s.v. κορυθαλίστριαι (Κ 3689 Latte): αἱ χορεύουσαι τῇ Κορυθαλίᾳ θεᾷ; for archaic depictions of orgiastic female dances in relation to the newborn, see I. Jucker, “Frauenfest in Korinth,” AK 6, 1963, pp. 47-61.

[ back ] 252. Hsch. s.v. κυριττοί and κύριθρα (Κ 4684 and 4678 Latte), with Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 184ff.

[ back ] 253. Plut. Mor. 657e; the text of Eustathius cited above (n. 248) relates the korythale to the kourotrophia of Apollo.

[ back ] 254. On Artemis as kourotrophos in general, see Wide, Kulte, p. 124; Schreiber, art. cit. n. 20, coll. 569f.; Farnell, Cults II, pp. 463f. and above pp. 100f.; on the relationship of Artemis Korythalia at Sparta with other kourotrophoi, see Hadzisteliou-Price, op. cit. n. 234, pp. 138ff. and 189f. For the diligence of Spartan nurses and on their fame in antiquity, see Plut. Lyc. 16.4f.

[ back ] 255. Orgiastic dances in honor of Artemis for example in Elis (Paus. 6.22.1) and in Syracuse (Ath. 14.629e); other instances in Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 187; Alcman himself, fr. 63 Ρ = 94 C, associates the Naiads with the Thyads.

[ back ] 256. See above p. 146.

[ back ] 257. Paus. 3.20.7, see Hitzig-Bluemmer, Paus. I, p. 844, and Wide, Kulte, pp. 117f.; Hsch. s.v. καλαβῶται (Κ 379 Latte): ἐν τῷ τῆς Δερεατίδος Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερῷ ᾀδόμενοι ὕμνοι, see also s.v. καλαβίς (Κ 383 Latte); see Eupol. fr. 176 ΚΑ (= Ath. 14.630a), Hsch. s.v. καλλιβάντες (Κ 471 Latte), and Phot. Lex. s.v. καλλαβίδες (I, p. 307 Naber). According to Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 185, the gloss of Hsch. s.v. καλαοίδια (Κ 409 Latte), which gives this name to a Laconian festival honoring Artemis, is linguistically related to the term καλαβῶται; see the objections to this of Latte, Salt., pp. 23ff., and Ziehen, RE 3A, coll. 1464f.; Verg. Georg. 2.487f. himself sees in the Nymph Taygete a Bacchant.

[ back ] 258. See G. Dickins, “The Masks,” in Dawkins, Orthia, pp. 163-186, with the remarks of E. Kunze, review of Dawkins, Orthia, Gnomon 9, 1933, pp. 1-14 (pp. 10f.), and the interpretation now proposed by Vernant, M é tis 2, pp. 279ff.; see also J. B. Carter, “The Masks of Orthia,” AJA 91, 1987, pp. 355-383, and Parker in Sparta, pp. 151f. For speculations on the relationship of these terra-cotta masks with the Partheneia of Alcman, see J. B. Carter, “Masks and Poetry in Early Sparta,” in R. Hagg, N. Marinatos, and G. C. Nordquist (eds.). Early Greek Cult Practice, Stockholm 1988, pp. 89-98. The oldest of these masks represent old women and are from the end of the seventh century (beginning of the seventh according to Kunze). The remarks of Hesychius may concern the archaic period: see s.v. βρυδαλίχα, βρυλλιχισταί, and possibly βυλλίχαι (Β 1234, 1245 and 1309 Latte), also Poll. 4.104. See Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 186f.; Latte, Salt., pp. 8f.; and Pickard-Cambridge, Dithyramb, pp. 163ff. Wide, Kulte, pp. 115f. and 279f., tries to prove a Dionysiac element in the founding myth of the cult of Artemis Orthia, seeing in Astrabakos, one of the two heroes who found the statue of the goddess on the banks of the Eurotas (see above n. 231), a hypostasis of Dionysus.

[ back ] 259. The grotesque dances present in different cults of Artemis at Sparta have been related to the satyr-dances by F. Stoessl, Die Vorgeschichte des griechischen Theaters, Darmstadt 1987, pp. 60ff.; on Dionysus at Sparta, see below pp. 185ff.

[ back ] 260. It is with a similar term, “Auflösung,” that Burkert, Homo Necans, pp. 190f., interprets the use of masks representing old women in the cult of Artemis Orthia, comparing it to other similar customs. See also Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 520f.; Graf, op. cit. n. 210, pp. 89f.; and, without taking into account the arguments of his predecessors, Vernant, Metis 2, pp. 283ff.

[ back ] 261. Philostr. VS 2.12.3; Hdt. 9.7.1 and 11.1; see also Thuc. 5.23.4. Other references in Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 130. Theodor. Graec. affect. 8.28 Raeder says that the Spartans thought of it as a great public festival (δημοθοινία).

[ back ] 262. Ath. 4.138eff. = Polycr. FGrHist 588 F 1 and Polem. Hist. FHG fr. 86 (III, p. 142 Müller); critique of these sources in Bölte, RhM 78, pp. 132ff.

[ back ] 263. Brelich, Paides, pp. 143ff.; Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 132ff. See also Rohde, Psyche, p. 116 n. 2; Farnell, Cults IV, pp. 264ff.; Mellink, Hyakinthos, pp. 29ff.

[ back ] 264. Εἰς τὸν θεόν (Ath. 4.139d): Apollo is certainly meant, not Hyakinthos; see Ath. 4.138f: παρὰ τὸν θεόν (near the temple of the god), and 139e: τὸν θεὸν ᾄδουσιν.

[ back ] 265. On the paean sung during the Hyakinthia: Xen. Hell. 4.5.11, and Ages. 2.17, on this last passage, see above p. 45 n. 110.

[ back ] 266. Xen. Ages. 8.7, Plut. Ages. 19.5f.; see Hsch. s.v. κάνναι and κάνναθρα (Κ 676 and 675 Latte); note that in this gloss the use of the kannathron is associated with a festival in honor of Helen (see below n. 329), EM 489.5ff., sch. BT Hom. Il. 24.190 and Eust. Il. 1344.44; on the formation of the term κάνναθρον, see Chantraine, Dict. étym., s.v. κάννα. It will be recalled that Polemon had written a whole treatise on the question of the “kannathron mentioned by Xenophon”: Ath. 4.138e. This work probably referred to the passage in Ages. 8.7. On these carts, see Bölte, RhM 78, pp. 137f., and Mellink, Hyakinthos, pp. 16f.

[ back ] 267. Paus. 3.1.3 and 3.19.3; on the Hyakinthos Way, see Ath. 4.173f. For a reconstruction of the throne of Amyklai, see E. Buschor, “Vom Amyklaion (Übersicht),” MDAI(A) 52, 1927, pp. 1-23 (p. 19); R. Martin, “Le trône d’Amyclées,” RA 1976, pp. 205-218; and Pipili, Iconography, pp. 81f. On its religious significance, see F. Prontera, “Il trono di Apollo in Amicle: appunti per la topografia e la storia religiosa di Sparta arcaica,” AFLFP 4, 1980/81, pp. 217-230.

[ back ] 268. See Bölte, RhM 78, pp. 138ff., for the division of the ritual practices among the three days of the festival as described by Polemon and Polycrates. He corrects the θέαν in the final note of Polycrates’ description (Ath. 4.139f.) to θοίνην: the Hyakinthia would then not end with the spectacle of the adolescents but with the great banquet. Bölte’s suggestion has not been taken up by Mellink, Hyakinthos, pp. 12f.; on the κοπίς, see below n. 293.

[ back ] 269. Eur. Ηel. 1465ff.; on the meaning of this passage, see R. Kannicht, Euripides Helena II, Heidelberg 1969, pp. 383ff.; Aristoph. Lys. 1296ff.

[ back ] 270. Hier. Jov. 1.41 (XXIII, p. 284 Migne).

[ back ] 271. IG V 1.586 and 587; see Mellink, Hyakinthos, pp. 22ff.

[ back ] 272. Plut. Μor. 775de. See Wide, Kulte, p. 288 n. 1; Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 137 n. 3; and Mellink, Hyakinthos, p. 21 n. 1.

[ back ] 273. Paus. 3.16.2; according to Mellink, Hyakinthos, p. 17, this peplos would have been transported to Amyklai during the procession of the Spartan girls on the kannathra. On the political, if not matrimonial, function of the weaving of this peplos, see Scheid and Svenbro, op. cit. n. 78, pp. 19ff. and 61ff.

[ back ] 274. W. von Massow, “Vom Amyklaion (Einzelfunde),” MDAI(A) 52, 1927, pp. 33-64 (pp. 39ff.), with Buschor, art. cit. n. 267, p. 11; B. Schröder, “Archaische Skulpturen aus Lakonien,” MDAI(A) 29, 1904, pp. 21-49 (pp. 24ff.). See also the very mutilated inscription published by C. N. Edmonson, “A Graffito from Amyklai,” Hesperia 28, 1959, pp. 162-164.

[ back ] 275. Mellink, Hyakinthos, pp. 20 and 43f., on the basis of an interpretation by Schroder, sees in this scene a specific dance called kalathiskos, associated with the Artemis cult which also would have a place in the precincts of Amyklai: see Call. Aet. III, fr. 75.24 Pf. and Paus. 3.18.9.

[ back ] 276. See among others Farnell, Cults IV, pp. 126ff.; S. Eitrem, RE 9 (1916), s.v. Ὑάκινθος (2), coll. 7f.; C. Picard, “Amyclæ et les Hyacinthes,” L’Acropole 4, 1929, pp. 206-222 (pp. 210ff.); M.P. Nilsson, The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion, Lund 1950, pp. 470f. and 556ff. Mellink, Hyakinthos, pp. 139ff., credits the Achaeans with introducing Apollo into Amyklai; excellent remarks on this by Brelich, Paides, pp. 177ff. On the pre-Hellenic character of linguistic forms in -νθ-, see P. Kretschmer, Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache, Göttingen 1896, pp. 402f.

[ back ] 277. Paus. 3.19.2; see Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, pp. 245ff.

[ back ] 278. This was the cae in the time of Agesilas: see Paus. 3.10.1, see also Macr. Sat. 1.18.2. The Hyakinthia were celebrated in honor of Apollo.

[ back ] 279. Sch. Pind. I. 7.12 (III, p. 263s. Drachmann) = Arist. Resp. Lac. fr. 532 Rose. On the “conquest” and integration of Amyklai by the Spartans, see Kiechle, Lakonien, pp. 55ff.; Huxley, Sparta, pp. 22f.; and Cartledge, Sparta, pp. 80ff. and 106ff. The traditional genealogy makes Hyakinthos a son of Amyklas who is himself said to be the son of Lakedaimon and Sparte: Apoll. 3.10.3; the Amyklaian genealogy has thus been linked with the Spartan genealogy, showing the dependence of Hyakinthos (and of his cult) on the Lacedaemonian state.

[ back ] 280. On the archaeological history of the Amyklaion, see Buschor, art. cit. n. 267, pp. 3ff.; H. Waterhouse and R. Hope Simpson, “Prehistoric Laconia: Part I,” ABSA 55, 1960, pp. 67-107 (pp. 74ff.); W. Desborough, The Last Mycenaeans and Their Successors, Oxford 1964, pp. 42 and 88ff.; and Cartledge, Sparta, pp. 81ff.

[ back ] 281. Strab. 6.3.2 = Antioch. Syr. FGrHist. 555 F 13. On the Parthenians, see M. Schaefer, RE 18 (1949), s.v. Partheniai, coll. 1884ff.; M. Corsano, “Sparte et Tarente: le mythe de fondation d’une colonie,” RHR 196, 1979, pp. 113-140; and Vidal-Naquet, Le chasseur noir, pp. 278ff. On the colonization of Tarentum, see T. J. Dunbabin, The Western Greeks, Oxford 1948, pp. 29ff.; Kiechle, Lakonien, pp. 176ff.; and I. Malkin, Religion and Colonization in Ancient Greece, Leiden 1987, pp. 47ff. and 216ff.

[ back ] 282. Paus. 3.19.3; ἐναγίζω as opposed to θύω to describe the sacrifice offered to a hero (deceased) in contrast to the sacrifice offered to a god (immortal): see Hdt. 2.44, and Burkert, Religion, pp. 299 and 307ff.; Rohde, Psyche, p. 115 n. 3, is wrong to think that the before in Pausanias’ text has a chronological meaning.

[ back ] 283. Paus. 3.19.4, with the useful commentary of Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, pp. 246f.

[ back ] 284. Eur. Ηel. 147 1ff.; for the iconographical representation of the young Hyakinthos, see Pettersson, Apollo at Sparta, pp. 30ff.

[ back ] 285. Apoll. 1.3.3 and 3.10.3; other sources in Eitrem, art. cit. n. 276, col. 9f., and Sergent, Homosexualite, pp. 102ff. In one of the versions of the legend, Hyakinthos is even credited with being the initiator of male homosexuality. Pausanias, 3.19.5, is somewhat skeptical about the episodes of the accidental death of Hyakinthos and his metamorphosis into a flower.

[ back ] 286. See Rohde, Psyche, pp. 114ff., and Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 130f.

[ back ] 287. Paus. 3.19.4, see Hitzig-Bluemmer, Paus. I, p. 833; for an image of Hyakinthos as adolescent dating from about 500, see Mellink, Hyakinthos, pp. 168ff.

[ back ] 288. On this subject, see Brelich, Paides, p. 148 n. 110, and Sergent, Homosexualité, p. 106f.; see also L. Piccirilli, “Ricerche sul culto di Hyakinthos,” SCO 16, 1967, pp. 99-116. Outside Laconia, Hyakinthos ended by being identified with Apollo: on the cult of Apollo Hyakinthos at Tarentum, see Pol. 8.28.2f., and G. Gianelli, Culti e miti della Magna Grecia, Firenze 21963, pp. 27ff. Polyboia was also identified with Artemis or Kore: see Hsch. s.v. Πολύβοια (Π 2825 Schmidt). If they cannot be identified with the gods of adolescence, Hyakinthos and Polyboia were certainly adolescent heroes: see Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 529f. On the other hand, one should be skeptical about the etymology proposed by K. Brugmann and B. Delbrück, Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen I, Berlin- Leipzig 21930, p. 261, who give the term ὑάκινθος the meaning of ‘young adolescent’ (etymology and meaning accepted by Farnell, Cults IV, p. 126). Conversely, the ancients attributed to the hyacinth plant qualities related to adolescence: it was supposed to retard the onset of puberty: Dsc. 4.63, Plin. ΝΗ 21.26.97. On the youth of Hyakinthos, see Nic. Ther. 905: πρωθήβην Ὑάκινθον, and the complementary information given by Forbes-Irving, Metamorphoses, pp. 133ff. and 280ff.

[ back ] 289. SGDI 3501, 3502 and 3512; see Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 140 n. 4 and 241, and L. Robert, Hellenica VII, Paris 1949, pp. 114ff. Wide, Kulte, p. 95, on the basis of a gloss of Hesychius, s.v. κουρίδιον (Κ 3853 Latte), juxtaposes the Apollo τετράχειρ honored in Sparta with the Apollo celebrated at the Hyakinthia. However, contrary to Wide’s idea, the gloss emphasizes the relation of the Amyklaian Apollo with the Parthenians rather than his adolescent character.

[ back ] 290. Dem. 60.27, Eur. Erechth., fr. 65.73ff. Austin; see Sud. s.v. Παρθένοι (Π 668 Adler). According to Apoll. 3.15.8, the adolescents sacrificed by the Athenians were the daughters of Hyakinthos himself. See also Diod. Sic. 17.15.2, Harp. s.v. Ὑακινθίδες (p. 295, 11f. Dindorf); Steph. Byz. s.v. Λουσία (p. 419 Meineke); and Hyg. Fab. 238.2. This more recent version of the myth of Hyakinthos has been used by historicists. cited above n. 276, to confirm their thesis of a Hyakinthos worshipped at Amyklai as an adult hero. Mellink, Hyakinthos pp. 56ff., rightly prefers to see in the Hyakinthides the Ὑακινθοτρόφοι. On the Hyakinthides, see Herzog-Hauser, art. cit. p. 26 n. 28, coll. 1905ff., and Brulé, La fille d’Ath è nes, pp. 31f. and 203f.; see also Sissa and Detienne, op. cit. p. 133 n. 128, pp. 242ff.

[ back ] 291. Rohde, Psyche, pp. 115ff.; Nilsson. Gr. Feste, p. 140; Brelich, Paides, pp. 143ff.; and P. Brulé, “Fêtes grecques: périodicité et initiations. Hyakinthies et Panathénées,” in A. Moreau (ed.), L’initiation I. Les rites d’adolescence et les mystères, Montpellier 1992, pp. 19-38. See also Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 529ff., and the recent speculations of B. Sergent, “Svantovit et l’Apollon d’Amyklai,” RHR 211, 1994, pp. 15-58. One should notice that the Hyakinthia were probably celebrated during the summer: see below, n. 293. On the contrary, Pettersson, Apollo at Sparta, pp. 25ff. and 75ff., sees in the Hyakinthia, with their dual structure, a rite of passage marking the departure from “the mundane life” and the beginning of the liminal period.

[ back ] 292. Ath. 4.139a. Athenaeus, 4.140ab, cites two other fragments listing the dishes eaten at the κοπίς of the Hyakinthia. One of them, due to Epilycos, fr. 4 KA, links the feast to the ritual for Amyklaian Apollo explicitly and speaks of barley cakes, wheat loaves, and a sweetened broth. The other, by Molpis, FGrHist. 590 F 1, tells of barley bread, wheat bread, meat, raw vegetables, broth, figs, dried fruits, and hare. The broth listed by both is perhaps the same as the bean or barley soup mentioned by Alcman, fr. 96 Ρ = 130 C, when he uses the term, πυάνιον πολτόν, that gave its name to the ritual of the Athenian Pyanopsia. See P. Von der Mühll, “Kultische und andere Mahlzeiten bei Alcman,” ASTP 47, 1951, pp. 208-214 (pp. 212f.); Calame, Alcman, pp. 533ff.; and Nafissi, Kosmos, pp. 214ff. The parallel I propose here between Lacedaemonian Hyakinthia and Athenian Pyanopsia was previously suggested by Jeanmaire, Couroi, p. 528; see also Nilsson, Gr. Feste, p. 135. On the general significance of those ritual banquets, see L. Gernet, “Frairies antiques,” REA 51, 1928, pp. 313-59 (reprinted in Anthropologic de la Gr è ce antique, Paris 1968, pp. 21-61).

[ back ] 293. Plut. Thes. 22.5f.; Eust. Il. 1283.6ff.; EM 303.18ff.; Harp. s.v. Πυανόψια (pp. 265, 2ff. Dindorf); Sud. s.v. πυανεψιῶνος (Π 3104 Adler); Phot. Lex. s.v. Πυανόψια (II, p. 120 Naber). See also Ath. 14.648b = Sosib. FGrHist. 595 F 12 and Hsch. s.v. πυσάνια (Π 4478 Schmidt): see now Calame, Thésée, pp. 291ff., and above p. 126 with n. 110. The comparison and distinction between the “κοπίς” of the Hyakinthia and the meal of the Pyanopsia has been carried further by L. Bruit, “The Meal at the Hyacinthia: Ritual consumption and offering,” in O. Murray (ed.), Sympotica: A Symposium on the Symposion, Oxford 1990, pp. 162-174.

[ back ] 294. Unfortunately, there is nothing in any of the documents for the Hyakinthia period to confirm this interpretation. It has not yet even been possible to settle on where the month Hecatombeus, the month of the Hyakinthia, falls in the Spartan calendar, as Hesychius says, s.v. Ἐκατομβεύς (Ε 1272 Latte); see also IG V. 1, 511.2. A month called Hyakinthios occurs in the Laconian inscription IG V. 1, 18B. 8, and the appearance of this month in other Greek calendars at the height of summer has led most scholars to think that the Hyakinthia took place in July. See recently Robertson, Festivals, p. 153 n. 17. On the various opinions, see E. F. Bischoff, RE 9 (1916), s.v. Hyakinthios (2), and the exhaustive discussion by Mellink, Hyakinthos, pp. 25ff. Nilsson alone, Gr. Feste, pp. 134f., has adopted a different method of dating, but an unconvincing one: given the season in which the harvest was eaten fresh during the Hyakinthia, he deduces that the festival took place during the Athenian month Thargelion (24 April-24 May) and that it therefore had the character of fertility rituals at the start of the harvest; it would then correspond more or less to the Athenian Thargelia.

[ back ] 295. Plut. Thes. 22.4; Eust. Il. 1283.17ff.; see above pp. 126f.

[ back ] 296. In my recent research in Thésée, pp. 432ff., I expressed some doubts about a unilateral initiatory interpretation of the Pyanopsia.

[ back ] 297. Alcm. fr. 10 (a) P = test. 5 C = P. Oxy. 2506, fr. 1 (c). In his comments in the edition of the P. Oxy. vol. 29, p. 31, Page is inclined to attribute the quotation not to Alcman (ουσαν and που are not used by the poet), but to Aeschylus, whose name may be written at the head of the column. In the edition of the PMG, on the other hand, Page extracts from the quotations fragments of phraseology containing on-dialectal words and includes them in the commentary; in the apparatus, he expresses skepticism as to the attribution of the remaining lines to Alcman.

[ back ] 298. An [Ἀ|ταρνίδες reappears in the sch. B, fr. 6, col. II. 9f. ad Alcm. fr. 1 Ρ = 3 C, but the context is not clear (on this see Lobel, P. Oxy. vol. 24, p. 38). Hdt. 1.160, 6.28, 7.42, 8.106, and Xen. Hell. 3.2.11, give the name Atarneus to the region of the Aeolid across from Lesbos. This region is connected with either Mysia or Lydia. It is not improbable that Alcman the Lydian was also called the Atarnida. On the problem of the origin of the poet, see Calame, Alcman, pp. xivff.

[ back ] 299. Paus. 3.16.1, see Plut. Mor. 302d.

[ back ] 300. Paus. 3.13.6f., see Ath. 13.574d = Polem. Hist. FHG fr. 18 (III, p. 121 Müller). This detail that the temple of Dionysus was built on a hill does not agree with Strab. 8.5.1, who mentions a temple of Dionysus ἐν Λίμναις. On this see Wide, Kulte, pp. 161f.; Ziehen, RE 3A, coll. 1475f.; and in particular Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, pp. 208f.

[ back ] 301. Eur. Hel. 1465ff. (the text mentions simply the temple of Pallas, but Athena Khalkioikos was twice mentioned at the beginning of the tragedy, line 227 and 245), see Kannicht, op. cit. n. 269, pp. 381f. On the cult of Athena Khalkioikos, see Ziehen, RE 3A, col. 1455. On Helen’s part in this cult, see below pp. 192f.

[ back ] 302. See Wide, Kulte, pp. 160f., and E. Kuhnert in Roscher, s.v. Leukippiden, col. 1992. The latter author offers the idea, already presented to explain the simultaneous presence at Amyklai of Hyakinthos and Apollo, of Dionysus’ gradually subsituting for a more ancient sun hero.

[ back ] 303. Paus. 3.16.1 = Cypr. fr. 11 Bernabé. The double set of parents of the Leukippides is not surprising: human parents are often doubled by divine ones. The Dioskouroi are themselves the sons of both Tyndareus and Zeus; on this see Brelich, Eroi, p. 297.

[ back ] 304. Hsch. s.v. Διονυσιάδες (Δ 1888 Latte): ἐν Σπάρτῃ παρθένοι, αἱ ἐν τοῖς Διοϝυσίοις δρόμον ἀγωνιζόμεναι, and s.v. ἐν Δριώνας (Ε 2823 Latte): δρόμος παρθένων ἐν Λακεδαίμονι; the lemma of this last gloss has been compared to the Driodones, divinities of which we know only that they were worshipped at Sparta: see Hsch. s.v. Δριωδόνες (Δ 2391 Latte), and Ziehen, RE 3A, coll. 1479f.; see also below n. 328.

[ back ] 305. See above p. 114.

[ back ] 306. See Burkert, Homo Necans, pp. 192ff., and above pp. 134ff.

[ back ] 307. Paus. 3.16.1, Eur. Hel. 1466; Paus. 2.22.5: on this Argive sanctuary of the Dioskouroi and of Hilaeira and Phoibe, see D. Musti and M. Torelli, Pausania II, Milano 1986, p. 286.

[ back ] 308. Lyc. Alex. 546ff. with sch. ibid. 547 (II, pp. 194f. Scheer), see Cypr. p. 40 Bernabé, Pind. N. 10.60ff.; Theocr. 22.137ff., sch. Pind. N. 10.60 (III, pp. 178f. Drachmann), Apoll. 3.10.3 and 3.11.2, see Kuhnert, art. cit. n. 302, coll. 1988ff., and U. von Wilamowitz, Die Textgeschichte der griechischen Bukoliker, Berlin 1906, p. 188 n. 1. Note that the Leukippides had a sister, Arsinoe, who was loved by Apollo and conceived Asclepius by him according to a Messenian legend: see Hes. fr. 50 MW and Apoll. 3.10.3. On the Apharetidai as Messenian heroes, see W. Drexler in Roscher, s.v. Idas (1), col. 97ff.

[ back ] 309. Xen. Resp. Lac. 1.6, Plut. Lyc. 15.4f.

[ back ] 310. Paus. 3.17.3, 3.18.11, 4.31.9 (ἁρπαγή), 1.18.1 (γάμον), see 2.22.5 (Leukippides as μητέρες in comparison with the Dioskouroi and their children; see above n. 307).

[ back ] 311. Lisboa Gulb. 682, see E. M. W. Tillyard, The Hope Vases, Cambridge 1923, pp. 65ff., with pll. 17f., and M. H. da Rocha Pereira, “Notícia acerca de vasos griegos existentes em Portugal, II,” Humanitas 11-12, 1959-60, pp. 11-32 (pp. 29ff. with pll. 24ff.). If the band holding back the hair of the two female figures represented here were only worn by unmarried girls in the classical period, as M. Bieber states in Entwicklungsgeschichte der griechischen Tracht, Berlin 1967, p. 34, neither of these figures can be the mother of the Leukippides; London BM Ε 224, CV 3.1 C, pl. 91f.: on this vase the Leukippides are named Eriphyle and Elera. For other depictions of the abduction of the Leukippides: F. Brommer, Vasenlisten zur griechischen Heldensage, Marburg/Lahn 21960, p. 360, and A. Hermary, LIMC III, s.v. Dioskouroi, pp. 583ff.; interpretation in Wide, Kulte, pp. 328ff. Peitho is generally opposed to violence and consequently to abduction: see P. Weizsäcker in Roscher, s.v. Peitho, col. 1805 with pl. 6, and V. Pirenne-Delforge, “Le culte de la persuasion: Peithô en Grèce ancienne,” RHR 208, 1991, pp. 395-413.

[ back ] 312. Hyg. Fab. 80.1 relates that at the moment of their abduction, while still promised to the Apharetidai, Phoibe and Hilaeira, formissimae virgines, are respectively priestesses of Minerva and Diana. On the relationship of the Leukippides with marriage, see now M. L. Napolitano, “Donne spartane e τεκνοποιία,” AION 7, 1985, pp. 28-42.

[ back ] 313. Bacch. fr. dub. 61 M; on the meaning of τελλόμεναι, see above p. 41 n. 91. On the cult of Aphrodite in Sparta, see Wide, Kulte, pp. 136ff.; the brevity of the fragment makes it impossible to compare the Leukippides’ actions and one of the five Aphrodite cults in Sparta.

[ back ] 314. Alcm. fr. 8 Ρ = 20 C = P. Oxy. 2389, fr. 4, col. II, see also frr. 5.1 (a) and (c) P = 79 C = P. Oxy. 2390, fr. 1, col. I (a) and (c), with the commentary of Garvie, CQ 59, p. 185, and of Calame, Alcman, pp. 383ff.

[ back ] 315. Hsch. s.v. πωλία (Π 4496 Schmidt); the Dioskouroi as λευκόπωλοι or λεύκιπποι· Pind. P. 1.66, Eur. Hel. 638, Ant. fr. 223 Suppl. C 55 Nauck, Hsch. s.v. Διόσκουροι (Δ 1929 Latte); on the relation between the Leukippides and the λευκαὶ κόραι of Delphi, see Usener, art. cit. p. 23 n. 17, pp. 325f.

[ back ] 316. Plut. Mus. 26, Ath. 4.184f = Epich. fr. 88 Kaibel, Plat. Leg. 796b; Paus. 3.13.6f., and Wide, Kulte, pp. 304ff. An agonistic inscription dedicated to Artemis Orthia and dating from the time of Marcus Aurelius mentions a priestess common to both the Tyndaridai and the Leukippides: IG V. 1.305.5. Farnell, Hero Cults, p. 230, goes as far as presuming the institution and regular ritual celebration of a ἱερὸς γάμος between the Leukippides and the Dioskouroi.

[ back ] 317. Alcm. fr. 2 (I) Ρ = 2 C, see Hom. Il. 3.237 and Od. 11.300, also Cypr. fr. 15.6 Bernabé; see also Hes. frr. 198.8 and 199.1 MW.

[ back ] 318. As Ghali-Kahil tries to do, H é lène, pp. 312 and 329. For the collected literary and illustrative sources on Helen’s abduction by Paris, see her exhaustive study and now her article in LIMC IV, s.v. Helene, pp. 498ff. and 515ff. (for the abduction by Theseus, see pp. 507ff.); see also R. Engelmann in Roscher, s.v. Helena II, coll. 1932ff. and 1956ff., and, for the matrimonial context of some of those images, R. F. Sutton Jr., “Nuptial Eros: The Visual Discourse of Marriage in Classical Athens,” JWAG 55/56, 1997/98, pp. 27-48.

[ back ] 319. Aristoph. Lys. 1296ff., Eur. Hel. 1465ff., see above pp. 176 and 186; it will be remembered that the two illustrations of the abduction of the Leukippides cited by Pausanias were on the walls of the temple of Athena Khalkioikos and on the Amyklaian tomb. It would thus seem that the rites and myths attached to the names of Athena Khalkioikos, Amyklaian Apollo, the Leukippides, and Helen form a coherent cult. See now P. Voelke, “Beauté d’Hélène et rituels féminins dans l’Hélène d’Euripide,” Kernos 9, 1996, pp. 281-296, and B. Zweig, “Euripides’ Helen and Female Rites of Passage,” in Padilla, Rites of Passage, pp. 158-180.

[ back ] 320. Theocr. 18.22ff., see above pp. 42f. On the fictive aspect of this matrimonial song, cf. Gow, Theocr. II, pp. 348f.

[ back ] 321. Paus. 3.14.6ff. and 3.15.3. On the uncertain archaeological situation of the Dromos and of the Platanistas, see Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, pp. 214f. and 217f. For the Phoibaion, see Hitzig-Bluemmer, Paus. I, pp. 789f., and below n. 327. Arrigoni, in Le Donne in Grecia, pp. 74ff. and 86, distinguishes two Dromoi, one of which would be reserved for women, but see the testimony of Eur. Andr. 595ff.!

[ back ] 322. Paus. 3.19.9f. and 3.20.2. On the cults rendered in the Archaic period to Homeric heroes on old Mycenaean sites, see C. Bérard, “Récupérer la mort du prince: héroïsation et formation de la cité,” and A. Snodgrass, “Les origines du culte des héros dans la Grèce antique,” in G. Gnoli and J. -P. Vernant, La mort, les morts dans les sociétés anciennes, Paris-Cambridge 1982, pp. 89-106 and 107-120.

[ back ] 323. For the location of the Menelaion at Therapnai, see Hitzig-Bluemmer, Paus. I, pp. 837f., also F. Bölte, RE 5 A (1934), s.v. Therapnai, col. 2353, H.W. Catling, “New Excavations at the Menelaion, Sparta,” in U. Jantzen (ed.), Neue Forschungen in griechischen Heiligt ü mern, Tübingen 1976, pp. 77-91, and Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, pp. 249f. and 253, with complementary information on recent excavations made at Therapnai. On the proximity of the Phoibaion and Therapnai see also Hdt. 6.61.

[ back ] 324. On the cult of Helen in the Platanistas, see Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 426f., Ziehen, RE 3 A, coll. 1481ff., and Gow, Theocr. II, pp. 358f. Paus. 3.19.9f. cites the founding legend of a Rhodian cult of Helen Dendritis. On the probable iconographic representations of Helen between the Dioskouroi in the form of a tree, see F. Chapouthier, Les Dioscures au service d’une d é esse, Paris 1935, pp. 90 and 149.

[ back ] 325. According to a system of aetiological etymology current in the Hellenistic period, Theocritus explains the name Dromos without directly referring to it. The ritual practices around Helen’s plane-tree certainly are not connected with her marriage, as Kaibel, Hermes 27, pp. 255f., and Merkelbach, Philologus 101, p. 20, think, but with her situation before marriage. The lotus wreath hanging on the plane-tree was picked on the spot where the girls raced and it is certainly in memory (μεμναμέναι, l. 41) of this race that Helen’s companions dedicate the wreath. Moreover, at Elis, the plane-tree was explicitly associated with the Dromos where the young athletes exercised before taking part in the Olympic Games: Paus. 6.23.1. On the other hand, at Kaphyai in Arcadia, a revered plane-tree near a spring was called Menelais, from the name of the king of Sparta: Paus. 8.23.4f.

[ back ] 326. See below pp. 237ff., and Choeurs II, p. 122.

[ back ] 327. It is apparently not possible to see a precinct consecrated to Phoibe in the Phobaion near the Dromos, see Ziehen, RE 3 A, coll. 1484f. and 1508, and above n. 321.

[ back ] 328. See above p. 187; the gloss of Hsch. s.v. ἐν Δριώνας (Ε 2823 Latte) might possibly refer to the race presided over by Helen (see above n. 304). Along these lines Meineke suggested correcting the lemma of this gloss to ἐν δενδρῶνας.

[ back ] 329. See above p. 184. We have seen (above n. 266) that the gloss of Hesychius s.v. κάνναθρα (Κ 675 Latte) referred to a festival for Helen and not to the Hyakinthia. Might this common use of the ritual chariot be a link between these two festivals? Or is this an error of the lexicographer?

[ back ] 330. On the merits of entering adulthood implied by participation in the rite of the footrace, see Vidal-Naquet, Le chasseur noir, pp. 166ff. L. L. Clader, Helen: The Evolution from Divine to Heroic in Greek Epic Tradition, Leiden 1976, pp. 63ff., has tried to draw the etymology of the name Ἑλένη back to a root *wel meaning ‘shoot,’ ‘sprig’; see now Austin, Helen, pp. 86ff., on Helen as heroine or goddess.

[ back ] 331. Menelaus and Helen together in a cult in Therapnai: Isocr. 10.63. Other sources in Wide, Kulte, pp. 340ff.; on Helen’s cult in Therapnai see Ziehen, RE 3 A, coll. 1481ff., Bölte, art. cit. n. 323, coll. 2357ff., and Clader, op. cit. n. 330, pp. 69f. Brelich, Paides, pp. 162ff., confuses the two Spartan cults of Helen and gives an unacceptable account of them.

[ back ] 332. Hdt. 6.61f.; see now Austin, Helen, pp. 32ff. Ariston reigned in Sparta towards the middle of the sixth century. This date gives some indication of the age of the cult at Therapnai. Hsch. s.v. Ἑλένεια (Ε 1992 Latte) mentions a Laconian feast of Helen: it could as well be a ritual held at Therapnai as the Platanistas ritual; see also Hsch. s.v. Θεραπνατίδεια (Θ 335 Latte): ἑορτὴ παρὰ Λάκωσι. Bölte, art. cit. n. 323, coll. 2358f., presumes with justification that this feast was celebrated in honor of Θεραπνᾶτις, the goddess of Therapnai, in other words Helen. [ back ] Note that the legend associated with the sanctuary of Eileithyia at Argos attributes to Helen the founding of this temple: Paus. 2.22.6. The legend tells that, after being freed by the Dioskouroi, Helen, pregnant by Theseus, gave birth to Iphigenia, whom she left at Argos with Clytemnestra. The birth was supposed to have taken place before her marriage to Menelaus. The association of Helen with the Argive Eileithyia confirms the significance of her control over the life of the adult woman.

[ back ] 333. This Argive legend goes back to Stesichoros (fr. 191 P) and contradicts the absence of rape in the Laconian versions of the episode of Helen’s abduction by Theseus, reported by Plutarch: see above pp. 159ff. See also Diod. Sic. 4.63, who says that Helen was returned to her brothers a virgin, other sources of this myth in Engelmann, art. cit. n. 318, col. 1935. However, the Argive version states that Theseus was considered to be the legitimate father of Iphigeneia (sources in H. W. Stoll in Roscher, s.v. Iphigenia, coll. 301f.). This probably hints at a marriage between Theseus and Helen, a marriage confirmed by the lines in Stesichorus (fr. 223 P) which describe the daughters of Tyndareus as δι- and τρίγαμοι, and the lines in Pindar (fr. 243 M) summarized by Pausanias (1.41.5) in which the poet shows that the aim of Theseus in abducting Helen was to become the brother-in-law of the Dioskouroi. The legend associated with the sanctuary of Aphrodite Nymphia supposedly founded by Theseus on the road to Troizen on the occasion of his wedding with Helen (Paus. 2.32.7) is clearly witness to this. The tradition of the rape is, however, also represented: see EGud. 285.45ff. Sturz = Euph. fr. 90 Powell. [ back ] Moreover, the Argive sanctuary dedicated to Eileithyia by Helen was beside that of the Dioskouroi. There the heroes were represented with their children and the Leukippides, their wives: Paus. 2.22.5, cf. Musti and Torelli, op. cit. n. 307, pp. 286f. [ back ] On the legendary beauty of Helen, see Engelmann, art. cit. n. 318, coll. 1953f. On its illusions, see N. Loraux, Les expériences de Tirésias: Le féminin et l’homme grec, Paris 1989, pp. 232ff. For an association of Helen as goddess with the sunlight (on a comparative basis), see M. L. West, Immortal Helen, London 1975, pp. 5ff.

[ back ] 334. See above pp. 28f.; see also the passage of Apollodorus cited above (3.10.7, see above n. 215) in which the expression γενομένην κάλλει διαπρεπῆ signifies the moment in which Helen becomes desirable in the eyes of Theseus. The acquisition of beauty is the sign of entering puberty and the nubile state.

[ back ] 335. Paus. 3.7.7.

[ back ] 336. Sapph. frr. 16 and 23.5 V, other references in Ghali-Kahil, H é lène, pp. 36ff.; see also Eur. Hec. 635f. (καλλίστη). On the link connecting beauty with Helen and Aphrodite, see Gentili, Poesia e pubblico, pp. 123ff., and Austin, Helen, pp. 51ff.; for Farnell, Cults II, p. 675, Helen is one of the numerous hypostases of Aphrodite. [ back ] In Homer Od. 4.121 f., Helen is compared with Artemis. This dual association with Aphrodite on the one hand and Artemis on the other is a perfect explanation for the dual nature of Helen venerated as girl and woman. E. A. S. Butterworth, Some Traces of the Pre-Olympian World in Greek Literature and Myth, Berlin 1966, pp. 179ff., argues that Artemis and Aphrodite were both included in the figure of Helen; but he has tried with absurd associative arguments to reduce this contradiction by explaining it historically as the “defection of ‘Aphrodite’ … from the celestial cult” (p. 186). [ back ] In the passage by Hyg. Fab. 80.1 (see above n. 312), the Leukippides are carried off by the Dioskouroi just when they appear to be the most beautiful of young girls and capable of arousing burning desire in the heroes. As for Helen, the quality of beauty that arouses masculine desire is present at the time the girl is ready to marry. [ back ] In Arcadia, an Artemis Kalliste was, it is true, venerated; Paus. 8.35.8. But her cult probably resulted from syncretism with the one associated with Kallisto. The myth tells how the Nymph, hunting companion of Artemis, had been raped by Zeus, conceived a child, and was transformed into a bear: see I. McPhee, LIMC V, s.v. Kallisto, pp. 940ff., and Forbes-Irving, Metamorphoses, pp. 67ff., 72ff., and 202ff. Kallisto, like Helen, changes from παρθένος to pregnant adult woman: see Dowden, Death and the Maiden, pp. 182ff. The debate between W. Sale, “Callisto and the Virginity of Artemis,” RhM 108, 1965, pp. 11-35, and G. Maggiulli, “Artemide—Callisto,” Mythos: Scripta in honorem Marii Untersteiner, Genova 1970, pp. 179-185, concerning the contradiction between the traditional virginity of Artemis and the rape of her hypostasis Kallisto makes no sense: we have seen that in Greece the subject of rape of a virgin was an integral part of the mythical image of female adolescence: see Brelich, Paides, p. 263 n. 69; P. Borgeaud, Recherches sur le dieu Pan, Roma-Genève 1979, pp. 51 ff.; and below p. 253 n. 164. In the literature, the epithet καλλίστη can refer to Aphrodite (Eur. Hel. 1348f., IA 553, Phaeth. 232, Theocr. 3.46) or to Artemis (Eur. Hipp. 66 and 70f., with the commentary by Barrett, op. cit. n. 51, p. 170); it is also used for Hebe (Pind. N. 10.18) or for Eirene (Eur. Or. 1682f.).

[ back ] 337. See above pp. 122f. E. Ziebarth, Aus dem griechischen Schulwesen: Eudamos von Milet und Verwandtes, Leipzig-Berlin 21914, p. 144, makes a similar assumption when he thinks that these beauty competitions were the final examination in schools for girls.

[ back ] 338. See above p. 69f.

[ back ] 339. See above pp. 42f. and 72.

[ back ] 340. Paus. 3.14.7, 3.20.2 and 3.14.9, see Hdt. 6.61. On the Spartan cults of the Dioskouroi, see Wide, Kulte, pp. 304ff., and Furtwängler, art. cit. n. 316, col. 1164f. In the iconography, the triad formed by the Dioskouroi and Helen has been studied by Chapouthier, op. cit. n. 324; for the latter, the image of the triad has its origin in Helen’s cult at Sparta (pp. 143ff.). Like Helen, the Dioskouroi were supposed to have lived near the Eurotas: Theogn. 1087f., Aristoph. Lys. 1301 f. (on this last passage see above p. 193).

[ back ] 341. Alcm. fr. 7.6ff. Ρ = 19 C, see sch. Eur. Tr. 210 (II, p. 353 Schwartz); Pind. P. 11.61ff. and I. 1.31 with sch. ad loc. (III, p. 204 Drachmann), see Bölte, art. cit. n. 323, coll. 2359ff. and 2365. Helen was also associated with the Theoxenia held for the Dioskouroi by the Spartans: see Eur. Hel. 1667ff. and Pind. O. 3.1, with Ziehen, RE 3 A, col. 1477, Kannicht, op. cit. n. 269, p. 432f., and Austin, Helen, pp. 185ff.

[ back ] 342. Pind. N. 10.52, other references above n. 317.

[ back ] 343. A. J. B. Wace (et al.), “The Menelaion,” ABSA 15, 1908, pp. 108-157 with pl. V, see Bölte, art. cit. n. 323, coll. 2355ff., who tries to retrace a very conjectural cult history of the sanctuary (coll. 2363ff.), and Kiechle, Lakonien, pp. 7ff. H. Waterhouse and R. Hope Simpson, “Prehistoric Laconia: Part I,” ABSA 55, 1960, pp. 67-107 (p. 72), and “Part II,” ABSA 56, 1961, pp. 114-175 (p. 174), show that there is an interruption of activity on the site between Late Helladic III B-C and Laconian I. For a more general history of the cult, see J. H. Croon, “Artemis Orthia en Elena,” Hermeneus 39, 1967/68, pp. 128-134; see also the complementary references given above n. 323.

[ back ] 344. See Wace, art. cit. n. 343, pp. 127ff. G. Karo, “Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Griechenland,” ARW 16, 1913, pp. 253-292 (pp. 264ff.), sees depictions of Helen in the terra-cotta statuettes of a woman on horseback. This type of ex-voto should be considered with skepticism. I note, however, without being able to infer from it the existence of choral performances for the cult of Therapnai, that one of the figurines represents a woman holding a lyre; Wace, art. cit. n. 343, p. 130 with pl. VII, 20.

[ back ] 345. See above pp. 159f.

[ back ] 346. Alcm. fr. 7 P = 19 C (see Cuartero, CFC 4, pp. 390ff., and above n. 341) with Harpocr. s.v. Θεράπναι (p. 151, 13 Dindorf) and Sud. s.v. Θεράπναι (Θ 231 Adler), and Alcm. fr. 14 (b) and (a) P = 5 and 4 C, see Calame, Alcman, pp. 352ff.

[ back ] 347. An. Gr. I, pp. 305, 25ff. Bekker, Ath. 4.141ef and 14.635e = Hellan. FGrHist. 4 F 85a (cf. Terp. test. 1 Gostoli) and Sosib. FGrHist. 595 F 3, IG V. 1.222; other sources in Wide, Kulte, pp. 63ff., and Burkert, Religion, pp. 354ff. See also Krummen, op. cit. n. 217, pp. 108ff. Interpretive essays by Wide, Kulte, pp. 73ff. (“Weinlese- und Sühnefest”); Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 118ff. (probably like the Thargelia, “ein agrarisches Fest und ein Sühnfest”); Ziehen, RE 3A, coll. 1458 and 1513 (“Ernte- und Sühnefest”); Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 524ff. (the Karneatai form an association of boys “entre le passage par les rites de l’adolescence et la période du mariage”); and Brelich, Paides, pp. 148ff. and 179ff. (“festa di rinnovamento, dell’immissione dei nuovi iniziati nella società,” “conclusione dell’agoge“). See also Bölte, RhM 78, pp. 141ff., and Pettersson, Apollo at Sparta, pp. 57ff. and 73ff. (“rite of aggregation”).

[ back ] 348. Hsch. s.v. Καρνεᾶται (Κ 838 Latte), Paus. 3.14.6. On the problem of the location of the principal sanctuary of Apollo Karneios at Sparta, see Ziehen, RE 3 A, col. 1458, and Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, pp. 216f. At Thera, a Laconian colony, the temple of Apollo Karneios stood beside the gymnasium. This cult was related to that of Hera Dromaia: see Brelich, Paides, p. 183 with n. 207, and Calame, I Greci e l’eros, pp. 78ff. with n. 31. On the meaning of Karneios, see now I. Malkin, Myth and Territory in the Spartan Mediterranean, Cambridge 1994, pp. 149ff.

[ back ] 349. The presence of a girl at the Karneia of Sparta would be founded on the unique testimonium of a krater from south Italy representing a boy and a girl dancing (?) around a pillar designated as Karneios: see Burkert, Religion, p. 355 with n. 6. The foundation myth of the Karneia at Cyrene as recounted by Call. Ap. 80ff. could imply the participation of young girls.

[ back ] 350. Paus. 3.11.9, Ath. 15.678b = Sosib. FGrHist. 595 F 5 (see Plat. Leg. 667cd) with commentary by Jacoby, FGrHist. IIIB, p. 646, Plut. Lyc. 21.3 and Mor. 238ab, quoting carm. pop. fr. 870 P. See Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 140ff.; Bölte, RhM 78, pp. 124ff.; Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 531ff.; Den Boer, Lac. Studies, pp. 221ff.; Michell, Sparta, pp. 186f.; Brelich, Paides, pp. 139ff. and 187ff.; and the new detailed discussion of this puzzling evidence by Robertson, Festivals, pp. 147ff.

[ back ] 351. And old men, according to the correction of the text of Ath. 15.678c suggested by Kaibel in the apparatus of his edition. On the presence of a chorus of adults in the Gymnopaidiai, see Xen. Hell. 6.4.16.

[ back ] 352. Sud. s.v. Γυμνοπαιδεία (Γ 486 Adler), An. Gr. I, p. 32, 18ff. Bekker; probably also after Thermopylai: EM 243 .3ff. (Θυρέαν corr. Ruhnken). See Brelich, Guerre, pp. 22ff. and 30ff. (see above p. 105), and Paides, pp. 189f.; also Parker, in Sparta, pp. 149f. The Gymnopaidiai are connected at different historical moments with the struggle for the Thyreatis: see Wade-Gery, art. cit. p. 63 n. 164, pp. 79ff. The report that Tyrtaeus, according to Poll 4.107 = Tyrt. test. 15 Prato, had been the initiator of the τριχορία at Sparta, in other words of the division of choruses into three age groups, probably refers to the organization of the Gymnopaidiai and corroborates its military character.

[ back ] 353. Plut. Mus. 9, see Latte, Salt., pp. 77f.; Jeanmaire, Couroi, pp. 441 ff.; Brelich, Paides, pp. 186f.; and Parker, in Sparta, pp. 149f. Other parallels in Vidal-Naquet, Le chasseur noir, pp. 167f.; see now Pettersson, Apollo at Sparta, pp. 42ff. and 73ff., who sees in the Gymnopaidiai the “rite of liminality” following the separation during the Hyakinthia and the aggregation at the Karneia.

[ back ] 354. Xen. Resp. Lac. 13.2f., see Wide, Kulte, pp. 13f., Ziehen, RE 3A, col. 1487; Pol. 4.35, see Wide, Kulte, p. 49, and Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 90f.; Hsch. s.v. Ταιναρίας (Τ 33 Schmidt), Paus. 3.12.5, etc., see Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 67ff.

[ back ] 355. On this subject see Vernant, art. cit. p. 27 n. 33, pp. 14ff.

[ back ] 356. Paus. 3.13.9; see Musti and Torelli, Pausania III, pp. 209f.

[ back ] 357. Alcm. fr. 60 Ρ = 126 C, see Ath. 15.680f and 678a, Hsch. s.v. πυλεών(α) (Π 4353 Schmidt), with Wide, Kulte, pp. 27ff., Ziehen, RE 3A, coll. 1473f., and Choeurs II, pp. 107f. and 127.