The Politics of Ethnicity and the Crisis of the Peloponnesian League

  Funke, Peter, and Nino Luraghi, eds. 2009. The Politics of Ethnicity and the Crisis of the Peloponnesian League. Hellenic Studies Series 32. Washington, DC: Center for Hellenic Studies.

XI. The Development of Greek Ethnê and their Ethnicity: An Anthropological Perspective

Christoph Ulf

Standard definitions of koinon/league have been, and often still are, based on the assumption of the existence of units that defined themselves in ethnic terms (ethnê), which extend far back in time. This tendency is connected with the conviction that all human communities are “ethnic” in that they are founded on biological kinship “from the beginning onwards.” Their cultural as well as political cohesion is seen to derive from this biological relationship. This opinion is not abandoned even when one sees not clans or kinship-based states, but the oikoi as the smaller units out of which early Greek communities are supposed to have grown. In both views, the ethnê coexist with the polis. They are viewed as the older political structure, which emerged in an entirely natural manner from the fact of biological relatedness. [1] The foundations of this theory have been seriously shaken in recent times.

Ethnological Case Studies: Forms of Alliance

“Band societies” are characterized by a high degree of autonomy of families and kinship groups. This is illustrated in the diagram:

Politics of Ethnicity chap11 fig1

Figure 1. !Kun San. (F= family)

A look at these “family groups” is relevant because the cohesion between them, present only to a limited extent, is reflected in the form of kinship that characterizes it. The individual families are bound to each other through a cognatic kinship system. This provides the opportunity to build up social relationships in all directions, but precisely on account of this openness the relationships remain comparatively weak. Indeed, the groups live alone for the most part, and only in extraordinary circumstances and for a short time does more than one group live in the same place.

Societies categorized as “local groups” or “village societies” behave differently, as two examples show.

The Tsembaga Maring, who live in New Guinea, form one part of altogether some 7000 Maring-speaking Papua. The economic conditions are precarious. They live in a mountainous region of New Guinea’s central highlands, cut off from the outside. Their pattern of settlement is characterized by a cycle of aggregation and dispersion. On account of the limited resources, the latent threat of warlike conflicts is present, even if it comes to out-and-out war infrequently. In times of peace, interrelated families live together in hamlets. Whenever war draws near, outbreaks of which are cyclical in nature, the families emigrate to village-like settlements surrounding the traditional ceremonial place of their clan. The families of the clan are closely bound to each other through patrilinear kinship and support each other intensively. The sense of community is visibly expressed by the participation in collective cults. Nonetheless, the bounds of the clan, defined through kinship, are not rigid. Not only individuals, through marriage, but even entire families can be accepted into the clan.

Every clan has at its disposal its own territory, and each family lays claim to a part of it. Moreover, the clan has its own house, where magical objects are kept. When periodic outbreaks of war threaten, at intervals of five to twenty years, the clan-territory is marked off with fences. In war the clan fights as a single combat unit, led by its own ritual chieftain.

Politics of Ethnicity chap11 fig2

Figure 2. Tsembaga Maring (New Guinea). (H = hamlet; V = village)

The Enga, who also live in New Guinea, represent another form of socio-political cohesion. They practice intensive agriculture (especially sweet potatoes and yams) in the river valleys of the mountainous region west of Mount Hagen, which are free from the rainforest, but they also cultivate regions of various heights above sea level. Artificial fertilization with compost allows for the constant production of foodstuffs. Since the game animals have been hunted nearly to extinction, the need for protein and fat is satisfied through the energy-intensive breeding of pigs. In addition, stone axes and salt are bartered, as well as prestige goods. The hypothetical population density of 33 to 97 people per square kilometer corresponds to the population density sometimes postulated for Greece in the Dark Ages.

Families live in hamlets, with one house for the men and several for the women in the immediate area of their fields. Each family belongs to a clan-segment, which is determined either by patrilineage or by the somewhat larger sub-clan. Each patrilinear group is named after its progenitor. The sub-clan defines itself by the fictive relationship with a son of the clan’s founder. The dance area and the cultic grove form its center. Important external exchange practices are transacted by the sub-clan, as well as matters of public interest (for example, bride-giving), and the compensation payments for those fallen in war are settled. Each sub-clan is led by one man, whose ambition it is to become the leader of the clan and thereby a “big man.” Since in this case the status of the sub-clan is enhanced, it is in everyone’s interest to increase agricultural productivity. This can be done through raising the work-load of every individual. To this end, the sub-clan leader who aspires to become a “big man” strives to conclude several marriages, because in this way he gains access to a larger productive base. Raising productivity is then the prerequisite for being able to make exchange relationships which are socially successful, that is, based on generosity. These in turn are the prerequisite for rising to the role of “big man.” For this reason, constant competition reigns between the sub-clans.

The clan makes use of a territory which is clearly marked off by a fence. Outside of this territory there is the danger of being attacked. The clan is connected to a fictive founder-ancestor. It is visibly defined, as are the sub-clans, by its own dance area, as well as by the ancestral cult house. Here is the center, where the essential rituals are conducted, those which establish a common identity, and where the ceremonial exchanges with other clans also take place. The clan is the largest group which appears as a unit at these types of ceremonies and in war. The “big men” are in this connection the driving force in the creation of an “intergroup collectivity.” They have to have at their disposal three capabilities: they must possess an exceptional individual working capacity, they must be extraordinary speakers (with an excellent memory for the various kin relationships and for all earlier collective actions), and they must be superior military commanders.

The same mechanism ensures success here as within the sub-clan. Pressure can be and is exerted on individuals who try to eschew the increased work-load. The outcome of this situation is competition between the clans in the production of goods, which can be presented, mainly at celebrations, as proof of their own excellence and strength. Successful clans tend to become larger, through influx from other clans and—following that—through increased rates of reproduction. The increase of the population promises greater chances of success in war, which threatens in short intervals, every two to three years, on account of the limited area of land available, but it also necessitates intensification of production. Occasion for the conflicts frequently consists of theft of small animals (pigs) and objects of value.

Thus there exist numerous levels of socio-political solidarity within Enga society. Clan segments and clans represent firm units, formed according to rules that can be recalled, which are supposed to guarantee the successful production of goods above all else. The political level above the clans exists only in the form of agreements based on the principles of gift economy. It requires institutionalized procedures in order to be accomplished, but can also be rescinded by means of those same procedures. The reason to form them consists of the constant threat of war at short notice.

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Figure 3. Enga (New Guinea). (H = hamlet)

The “regional polity,” represented by the Trobriand Islanders, contrasts with these forms of “local groups,” not least on account of its distinct type of cohesion. The Trobriands live in small villages, each led by its own leader (head man). He distributes the land afresh every year to the inhabitants of the village. He is the owner of the sacred objects, which are regarded as essential to the success of agriculture. He initiates the ceremonies at the dance area of the village.

The villages are consolidated into local groups. The links between the villages are maintained through many processes of exchange on the occasion of various celebrations. Thus reciprocal support is assured and the standing ban on warfare between them established. The villages bound together into such a local group stand in a hierarchical relation to each other. The leader of the village with the greatest prestige also holds the leadership of the entire local group. Since the hierarchy of the villages is unalterable, and the leaders inside the villages can come only from certain families, the system includes features of inheritability. In order to fulfill his obligations, the leader marries several women from various villages and then exerts pressure on his in-laws to support him constantly with goods. On ceremonial occasions, he can employ these goods for display and for exchange. In this way a tributary relationship is produced between the leader and the other inhabitants of the villages. Thereby this paramount leader achieves the social status of a “chief.” This change in status is mirrored, in turn, by the largely fictitious genealogy which incorporates all the villages within a local group and their leaders’ families. For chiefs are set on the top of such genealogies, which are flexible and always illustrate contemporary political relationships.

In one region, several such local groups exist alongside each other. An additional level of cohesion is created above them in the form of a regional unity. The leaders of regional units are selected in the competition which reigns constantly between the leaders of local units. It consists especially of the demonstration of extraordinary economic power and the resulting possibility of the leader’s generosity. In order to ensure his success, a chief does not build only on the support of his villages or relations. As chief, he also organizes a far-ranging long-distance trade (the kula trade). In order to do so, he must become involved in a complex pre-existing system of exchange, for which a sufficient number of prestige goods is the prerequisite. The chief’s involvement in the kula trade secures privileges for him: clothing and jewelry reserved for him as chief, a special warehouse for his supplies, “magicians” working for him to guarantee the fertility of agriculture, especially the cultivation of yams. These privileges function simultaneously as an ideologically effective safeguard of his position. If by all these means a chief is able to secure a position which appears institutionalized vis-à-vis the other big men in his regional unit, he can nevertheless also be deposed in the case of manifest failure. On the ideological level this is reflected immediately, insofar as new realities are accommodated without difficulty in the flexible and, as far as the hierarchy is concerned, fictitious genealogical system.

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 Figure 4. The Trobriand Islanders. (V = village)

Means of Creating Local and Regional Cohesion

In order to be able to draw plausible conclusions for the Greek situation from the case studies briefly described above, it is necessary to sum up their constituent features.

The loose social bonds characteristic of “band societies” correspond to the cognatic system, the widest-ranging way of constructing kinship. The ties which arise out of the cognatic system of relationships and are based on reciprocity are sufficient for overcoming economic and “political” problems. Unlike “band societies,” “local group societies” and the societies characterized as “regional polities” live inside the same region in close proximity to each other. The population density is problematically high in comparison to the available resources. The supply of resources cannot simply be increased, since the trade of subsistence goods is only possible to a limited extent.

The quality of the leader that is displayed in competition—and thereby also that of his group—is an important means by which successfully to control the pressure which weighs heavily on the groups. For this reason there are attempts to strengthen the group through co-operation. To enter relationships that take precedence over the socio-political unit(s) to which one already belongs means the surrender of a part of one’s own decision-making freedom. Therefore the step to production of an “intergroup collectivity” in the form of a clan, a “clan cluster,” or an alliance necessitates not only pressure, but also the possibility of perceiving this pressure as an incentive. Limited economic resources and the resulting danger of warlike conflicts produce pressure. So the incentive consists of the chance either to avoid both through the enlargement of the group, or at least to be able to withstand a difficult situation successfully.

However, in the same way as there is an inherent tendency in larger settlements to dissolve, so there also exists a tendency to enter into alliances between groups only when there is an unambiguous—economic or military—necessity. As a result, while alliances that span socio-political units can certainly be called up in case of need, they nonetheless always remain—if a fixed institutional-legal framework is absent—more or less fragile. This applies to the construction of clusters of clans recognizable in the examples as much as to the temporary and non-institutional alliances between clans.

If one observes these societies from the outside, then it appears that the measure of success is doubtless connected to the degree of organizational tightness. In an evolutionarily-oriented view of human societies, a higher tightness of organization is always linked to a hierarchization, in the sense of stratification or classification by rank. However, the functional interpretation of the various human societies suggested above allows for the possibility that there may be arrangements other than hierarchy capable of producing and guaranteeing the systematic coherence necessary for successful cooperation.

In the “regional polity” as represented by the Trobriand Islanders, the path that leads to hierarchy is documented. The stability of the society is attained not by the introduction of a political level in the narrow sense, but unmistakably by the solidification of influence on the various levels of social solidarity. Here, leadership inside the village community tends to become hereditary. Tributary dependencies develop between the leader of the local group and the village communities that comprise it. The chiefs of the regional unit obtain the resources they need for competition with the other chiefs from the dependence of the leaders of the local groups, but also through the increase of dependencies achievable through marriage to women from local groups belonging to other regional units. Furthermore, the relationships and dependencies are secured on the ideological level through a comprehensive genealogy that takes on a new quality. Since kinship is conceived of taxonomically rather than biologically, the genealogy can confirm the existing network of relationships as much as it can be easily adjusted to suit changing realities. The combination of a tendency to inheritability with a consciously imposed, ideologically usable kinship system offers the possibility of binding social units firmly, and thereby shifts the scope of activity of such chiefs, in comparison to “big men,” towards the sort of institutionalized decision-making and leadership which may be termed “political.” [12]

In the case of the Tsembaga Maring, this flexibility is reflected in the fact that the ritual leader is activated, as it were, for the duration of the war, but he is entitled to no real powers, only symbolic ones. The location where the festivals supporting cohesion take place is also furnished with a significant symbol of togetherness in the form of the house of the ancestors. Further, the festivals are organized with an extensive program of ceremonial events (the kaiko ceremony, the tee ceremony) so that all subgroups can be included, but also so that they can operate flexibly towards the outside. The resulting alliances are not secured through any institutional foundations. Thus, in the final analysis, how the field of relationships turns out above the level of the clan depends on the quality of the accomplishments of the leaders and their groups. Since this quality can always change in this environment of constant competition—for example, because of the improved performance of a competitor—these connections must remain labile.

The model of heterarchy not only directs attention to the fact that the constructs which impart identity to the local groups and the “regional polity” do not demonstrate primordial “ethnicity,” but also indicates that the societies themselves are the engineers of ethnicity with the help of more or less articulated genealogies.

Greek Societies in the Dark Ages and the Archaic Period

None of the case studies mentioned above, nor any other ethnological case study, is to be employed as a direct analogy for Greek relationships. Yet it can be assumed that basic elements abstracted from the case studies and patterns of thought and behavior in socio-political life were also constituent parts of the Greek societies. The plausibility of this assumption has been confirmed by many recent interpretations of the literary sources. [14] The applicability of this model to the constantly growing body of archaeological evidence from the Dark Ages and the Archaic Period is confirmed by the critical synopsis of the current state of research recently provided by Catherine Morgan. [15] For our purposes it can be reduced to the following points.

Ethnicization on a Super-Regional Level: Dorians and Ionians

Within this complicated topography of diverse societies, political models and divergent influences, the origin of the large units of the Dorians and Ionians, understood as ethnic, is to be re-defined. They can no longer be posited as the sub-units of a primary ethnic unit of “the Greeks.” Also, they must be reconsidered from the perspective of their function. This places the connection between the Dorians and the Peloponnesian League, and between the Delian-Attic League and the Ionians, at the center of attention.

The “history” of the Ionians, which is bound up with the Delian-Attic League, is no less complex than that of the Dorians. It can be very briefly summarized, because the use of the name in the fifth century has been investigated anew relatively recently. [45]

In order to satisfy all claims, these competing views of the origin of the Ionians are integrated into a construction of the migration of the Ionians already found in Herodotus. According to this the Ionians came from Achaea; they were driven out by the Achaeans and migrated to Athens. Here they met fugitives from Pylos. In this way the emigrants from Athens could be simultaneously a combination of different “tribes” and Ionians from Athens. The associations with the name Ionians or Ion, sketched here only briefly, have a single object: through the creation of an “ethnic” past—based on genealogical constructions—community is to be produced.

Local and Regional Ethnicization vs. Hierarchization According to Ethnic Symbols

In the genealogy presented by Euripides, it is not as usual Xouthos who is the father of Ion, but rather Apollo. The god raped Creusa, the daughter of Erechtheus. Creusa abandoned the newborn child on the Acropolis of Athens, and Hermes brought him to Delphi, where he grew up. Xouthos, descendant of Aeolus, who was settled in Achaea, and savior of Athens in the war against the Euboeans, married Creusa. With this constellation, the self-sufficient, autochthonous “history” of Athens is protected. At the same time, Ion receives a new orientation by having Apollo as his father. For Apollo, linked to Athens through Creusa, positions Ion as the ancestor of the Ionians. The Hellenic genealogy is subordinated to Ion, who stems from a divine father, whereas Doros and Achaios are sons of Xouthos and Creusa, born after him. His independent connection with Athens is extended by his becoming the father of the eponymous heroes of the Ionic tribes. From their sons proceeded the Ionian colonization, through which the Ionian cities were subordinated to Athens. This type of genealogy—regardless of how seriously it was intended by Euripides—represents an attempt, which can be paralleled by that of the Spartans to claim Achaean origins, to subvert the innate heterarchical tendency of the competing older genealogies. In this way the hierarchical relationship between the Ionian Athenians and the Ionian league members is supposed to be “historically” guaranteed.

This method of exploiting genealogies provides the background against which it is possible properly to evaluate the process of ethnicization by which smaller political units battled against the development of the political hierarchy desired by Sparta and Athens. In these cases ethnicity is used in order to rupture the larger ethnic unit, not in order to establish one. For this purpose a political element is incorporated in the form of a more or less stable alliance underneath the super-regional level. Although there is no clear evidence for it, it has to be assumed that, in practice, the process was set in motion by the means and methods observed in the ethnological case studies: through the activation of reciprocal relationships based on kinship; through the intensification and widening of existing rituals and ceremonies, which strengthen social ties; and, where it appeared possible and necessary, through the safeguarding of new ties with legal agreements. [57] Indeed, it is the conscious and enforced application of these methods that stands behind the “politics of ethnicity,” which Morgan was able to describe only generally as a change in equilibrium between the “different registers within the social geography of each group which recognized a common identity.” [58] For it would be remarkable indeed if a system of relationships in the form of a comprehensive genealogy appeared in the “political” upper layer, and at the same time such forms of thought had played only a small role or no role at all in the constitution and linkage of smaller units. [59]

These patterns of thought and forms of behavior, which were assumed above to have assisted the creation of societies in the Archaic Period, can now be seen to intensify. Under the new political and economic conditions, this leads to greater cohesion in the “regions” which up until now did not figure in the foreground of the history of events reported in the sources. Everywhere the local and regional networks must have stabilized. Of that there are sufficient indications. But, corresponding to the varying conditions and the resultant varying motivations in the different regions of Greece, this process did not advance in the same way everywhere. Alongside the general drive to orient oneself against the overarching claims to power of Sparta, Athens and then also Thebes, further motives emerge, rooted in local considerations. The motor that tended to push the small units in Arcadia and Messenia towards unity was the will to release themselves from the clutches of Sparta; in Phocis it was the desire to maintain regional self-sufficiency against the pressure of the Thessalians; the aim of Thessaly and Elis was to maintain the dependency of the perioikoi and to enlarge their own territory. The consequences of these varying motivations, whose treatment here is in no way comprehensive, may nevertheless be apprehended on the basis of a few central parameters.

The varying range of the cults reflects the varying intentions of those who practiced them and also of those who dedicated their votive offerings in the shrines. This conclusion finds striking confirmation when one turns to the second large area open to ideological manipulation: the myths. Myths and the genealogies transported with them are neither fixed once and for all nor limited to an old traditional stock: old stories can be changed, new ones can be invented. In the current context myths serve as means to support and legitimize new “ethnic” identities to counteract the genealogical/mythological rhetoric used by states like Sparta and Athens aiming at regional hegemony.

So if it is the case that the cohesion in settlement communities could and did become stronger through the enlargement of kinship groupings and through their transformation into political institutions, then this also means that the process of ethnicization developing parallel to that on the regional and super-regional levels was not yet concluded in the fourth century. For according to kinship-oriented modes of thought, only the ethnic unit can guarantee a superior cohesiveness. However, by the same modes of thought, that emerging hierarchy can be questioned in order to retain heterarchically oriented structures. Ethnicization was thus no efficient means for achieving the political unity of “the Greeks.”


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[ back ] 1. Cf. Beck 1997:10–13, 22–26, and for English-language literature in particular, McInerney 2001:51–54 (with references to contemporary political debates); Morgan 2003:6–7, 12–16; Hall 1997:41.

Comprehensive treatments are Ulf 1996; Hall 1997; Morgan 2001; McInerney 1999:25–35; Siapkas 2003:1–5, 41–59. See also Gehrke 1994.

[ back ] 3. On the model of ethnogenesis, see Pohl and Reimitz 1998; Pohl 2002; on the parallel studies done by Barth 1969, cf. McInerney 2001:59. Application of the model to the Dark Ages and the Archaic period: Ulf 1990; Ulf 1996; Donlan 1997; Raaflaub 1997; Tandy 1997; van Wees 1998; van Wees 2002; application to the Medians: Rollinger 2003.

[ back ] 4. The definition of this term adopted here lies between that of an instrumentalist (i.e. ethnicity is used to mask the real purpose) and that of a constructivist (i.e. ethnicity is a mere invention). For this and the history of the concept, Sokolovskii and Tishkov 1996; Thompson 1989; Glazer and Moynihan 1975; Sollors 1998. Critical voices about the applicability of the term to ancient societies for different reasons in Ancient West and East 4.2 (2005) 409–459.

[ back ] 5. Cf. Hall 2004; Ulf 2006.

[ back ] 6. Johnson and Earle 1987; Plattner 1989. For the history of the evolutionary schema, cf. e.g. Harris 1995; Urry 1997. For the functionalist approach, which can also be connected to an ecological one, cf. Bargatsky 1986 and below, n. 13.

[ back ] 7. In addition to the literature cited above, see Rappaport 1967; Peoples 1982.

[ back ] 8. Cf. Melville 1992 on the concept of the institution.

[ back ] 9. Wiessner 2001.

[ back ] 10. For possible forms of kinship cf. e.g. Vivelo 1988:212–233; Harris 1995; Good 1997.

[ back ] 11. Hayden 2001:23–64, esp. 55–57. For the applicability to classical studies cf. Ulf 1997b and Ulf 2006.

[ back ] 12. Earle 1987.

[ back ] 13. Crumley 1987:158, defines heterarchy as follows: “Structures are heterarchical when each element is either unranked relative to each other element or possesses the potential for being ranked in a number of ways.” Crumley 1995. For the various forms of identity, the conflicts that arise from them, and the overlaps, cf. e.g. Müller 1987.

[ back ] 14. Cf. e.g. Ulf 1990; Ulf 2008; van Wees 1998; van Wees 2002; Raaflaub 1997; Donlan 1997; Whitley 1991; Morgan 2003.

[ back ] 15. Morgan 2003; cf. Beck 1997, who places much greater emphasis on the concept of institutions.

[ back ] 16. Morgan 2003:esp. 45–57, 74–85. For the attempt to determine what a polis is, cf. the works of the Copenhagen Polis Center. Especially illuminating for its line of argument is Hansen 2002. Cf. in opposition to this e.g. Murray 2000.

[ back ] 17. Proceeding from this, Gehrke 1986 has developed a typology of states beyond Athens and Sparta.

[ back ] 18. Whitley 1991.

[ back ] 19. Morgan 2003:24, 91, 173, refers to the two models, differentiated by J. Bintliff and A. Snodgrass, of the closed individual settlement with continual growth and the dispersed settlement with a more extensive growth that begins later. It is impossible to observe any unequivocal movement from the country to the city.

[ back ] 20. Cf. Morgan 2003:24, 28, 31, 38–39, 114.

[ back ] 21. Morgan 2003:195. The quotation refers to Thessaly, but has a nearly general applicability.

[ back ] 22. Morgan 2003:42, 113, 168.

[ back ] 23. Crumley 1987:158 thus characterizes heterarchical as opposed to hierarchical relationships.

[ back ] 24. Morgan correctly refers to Foxhall 1995, who maintains that evidence of agrarian activities rules out the assumption of a pure pastoralism; for this also Ulf 1999.

[ back ] 25. Morgan 2003:165–171, quotation:167; cf. also 155.

[ back ] 26. Donlan 1997.

[ back ] 27. Morgan 2003:132, 165. This gains strong support from social psychology; cf. Brewer 2003:29–33.

[ back ] 28. Morgan 2003:175, 203. Morgan 2003:107–163, investigates these connections under the heading “communities of cult.” This creates the impression that these places were independent of the other settlements and acted of their own accord. On the contrary, it is argued in the present contribution that the special religious character of cult centres should not be taken to imply that they operated as independent, separate communities.

[ back ] 29. Morgan 2003:72–73, 135. Therein lies probably a distinctive feature of Greece: the artisans themselves and not only their products come from outside. As a result, not only are the needs of the larger units satisfied in these locations, but information is more quickly and more successfully disseminated.

[ back ] 30. Cf. Morgan 2003:170, 187–190. For this reason, the conclusion that the consciousness of an ethnically closely related unit of the Greeks in the form of the Hellenic genealogy did not arise before the late sixth or even the fifth century, recently reinforced by thorough investigation, gains importance (Ulf 1996:264–271; Hall 1997:42–44; McInerney 1999:120–153; McInerney 2001; Antonaccio 2001; Hall 2002, esp. ch. 2).

[ back ] 31. Morgan 2003:176, 186.

[ back ] 32. F. Bourriot and D. Roussel’s demonstration that the origin of tribes and phratries was bound to the polis does not mean that kinship played no role. The strongest evidence, rightly cited against such a conclusion, consists of the grave finds which point to family graves and groups of descendants stemming from a common ancestor (Morgan 2003:192–195). The Homeric epics, in which not only the known genealogies are used, but also the groups of descendants become visible in outline, point in the same direction (Ulf 1990:245–250; Raaflaub 1997).

[ back ] 33. Cf. e.g. West 1997; Rollinger and Ulf 2004b.

[ back ] 34. Patzek 2004; Bichler 2004.

[ back ] 35. Hölkeskamp 1992–1995; Rollinger 2004; Gehrke 2000. Morgan 2003:70–71, rightly maintains that it is no “solution” simply to put the origins of the polis back into the post-palatial Mycenean times of the late twelfth century. Her position can be strengthened by pointing to the fact that such an argument presupposes the notion of a Greek “people.”

[ back ] 36. Cf. Cartledge 1979:144–148, Thommen 1996:55–60, Welwei 2004:102–106; also Tausend 1992:167–180.

[ back ] 37. For a thorough treatment of this point, cf. Ulf 1996:esp. 251–264; somewhat differently Hall 1997:56–65; Hall 2002:esp. 82–89; McInerney 2001:61–62.

[ back ] 38. Herodotus 1.6; Tyrtaeus F 1 D = 10, 15 G–P; F 2 D = 1a.12ff G–P. The equation of Heraclids with Dorians can be read in this text only based on later sources. The argument derived from the equation is therefore circular; so, e.g. Malkin 1994:33–43.

[ back ] 39. Pindar Pythian 1.61–66; Isthmian 9 = F 1.1–4; Pythian 5.69–72.

[ back ] 40. Thucydides 1.107.2–3; 3.91–92. For the strange elements of both passages, which allow them to be seen as an invention of Thucydides, cf. Ulf 1996:262–263. It therefore comes as no surprise that the region Doris does not feature in the Iliad’s Catalog of Ships.

[ back ] 41. Herodotus 1.67–68; cf. 9.26; 5.72; 6.53. Cf. also Pretzler in this volume.

[ back ] 42. Cf. above, n. 3.

[ back ] 43. Morgan 2003:187.

[ back ] 44. Cf. above, p. 20, and Funke 1997; cf. also Funke 1998.

[ back ] 45. Ulf 1996:250–251; Hall 1997:51–56; Hall 2002; Malkin 2001; Lomas 2004; Vanschoonwinkel 2006.

[ back ] 46. For the Near Eastern sources, Rollinger 2001:esp. 236, 248–258; Rollinger 2008.

[ back ] 47. Homeric Hymns 3.143–148. This applies only if the text is not taken to refer to the celebration held on Delos by Polycrates of Samos.

[ back ] 48. Solon F 4 D = 4a W = Ath. Pol. 5.2. On the competing stories and subsequent paragraphs cf. esp. Hall 1997:51–56 with full references; Hall 2002:67–71.

[ back ] 49. McInerney 2001:57–59.

[ back ] 50. Hall 1997:52.

[ back ] 51. Hall 1997:54; earliest textual evidence: Pindar Isthmian 2.19.

[ back ] 52. Herodotus 7.95; 9.106; Thucydides 1.2.6; 1.12.4.

[ back ] 53. Thucydides 3.86.3; 6.20.3. On this, Hall 1997:37.

[ back ] 54. For the Peloponnesian League see above n. 44; for the Delian-Attic League cf. e.g. Schuller 1974; Welwei 1999:78–79.

[ back ] 55. Cf. Ulf 1993. Beck 1997:253 speaks of a “Fragmentierung und Polyzentrierung des ‘internationalen’ Systems” (“fragmentation and poly-centralization of the ‘international’ system”).

[ back ] 56. Cf. Hall 1997:56 (with references to the literature).

[ back ] 57. The sympolity treaty between Mantinea and Helisson discussed by Funke belongs in exactly this context.

[ back ] 58. Morgan, this volume. With regard to Epirus, Davies 2000:257 speaks of an impulse which was “neither wholly ‘top-down’ nor wholly ‘bottom-up,’ but a complex mixture of the two.” For Phocis cf. McInerney 1999; an exemplary assessment of the complex relationships inside Arcadia is Nielsen and Roy 1999.

[ back ] 59. This does not entail any attempt to reinstall a clan-based society (“Geschlechterstaat”). But the creation of phylae and phratries presupposes the reality of—and thought about— structures of kinship, which form the foundations of those social units. This cannot have been a merely aristocratic phenomenon. Cf. also above, n. 32.

[ back ] 60. Morgan 2003:164–170, citations: 168.

[ back ] 61. Morgan 2003:109. Cf. above, n. 11.

[ back ] 62. Morgan 2003:109, 113, 135, 139–140, 149.

[ back ] 63. Morgan 1994; Morgan 2003:75–60, 150–152.

[ back ] 64. Morgan 2003:150, 155–161; Voyatzis 1999.

[ back ] 65. The hero shrines are documented only by Pausanias, but according to him they originated in the classical and Hellenistic period; for this, Morgan 2003:161–162, with reference to Jost 1985.

[ back ] 66. Roy, this volume; Ruggeri, this volume; Giangiulio, this volume. For the development of inter-regional cults cf. Ulf 1997b.

[ back ] 67. Pretzler, this volume; Ulf 1996.

[ back ] 68. Luraghi, this volume; Figueira 1999; Siapkas 2003.

[ back ] 69. Cf. Pretzler in this volume; Morgan 2003:161; Beck 1997:189–190.

[ back ] 70. Cf. Ulf 1997a:21–22, 26–31. Somewhat differently, Moller 2004:259–260, 264–265. This assumption is further supported by the fact that the return of the bones of Hippodameia from Midea to Argolis is to be placed in the context of the alliance of Elis and Argos against Sparta in 420 BCE; Pausanias 6.20.7; see Moller 2004:265n87.

[ back ] 71. For this, Moller 2004:258; Ruggeri, this volume; Giangiulio, this volume.

[ back ] 72. Cf. Herodotus 8.27–28. Morgan 2003:25–27, 113; McInerney 2001:63–67. Numismatic evidence attenuates the problem that these myths are documented only late, but it cannot fully eliminate it. For coins can be struck on account of various interests within the same region by different cities with different meanings; cf. Morgan 2003:26, 84–85, 132; Nielsen 1999:43–46. On the other hand, the personal names of the fifth and fourth centuries demonstrate ethnic coherence. Then again, in conflict with this point is the fact that these names turn up only in the context of an external perspective; Herodotus 6.127; on this, Nielsen 1999:22–32; Freitag, this volume. In the enumeration of the ethnê living in the Peloponnese, Herodotus (8.73; cf. also Pausanias 1.17.7) speaks of the Arcadians, who have lived there since ancient times; for this, Morgan 2003:37–38, 196–197. For the epigraphically attested names, Morgan 2003:208–211.

[ back ] 73. For the relationship of Elis to the perioikoi, Roy 2000b, Roy, this volume. An example of this is the conflict over Lasion (Xenophon Hellenica 7.4.12): Ruggeri, this volume. Morgan 2003:47.

[ back ] 74. This can be clearly followed in the archaeological record from the dedications and building activities in the Phocian shrine of Kalapodi; Morgan 2003:24, 131, and Morgan 2001:30–34; Morgan 2003:115–119. Cf. also Beck 1997:87.

[ back ] 75. Xen. Hellenica 7.5.1–2; cf. the situation after Leuctra, which is to a certain degree comparable, Roy 2000a:310.

[ back ] 76. Cf. Pretzler, this volume; Ruggeri, this volume, Roy, this volume.

[ back ] 77. Luraghi, this volume.

[ back ] 78. For the post-Mycenean origin of the Catalog of Ships, see convincingly Eder 2004.

[ back ] 79. Such types of alliance were not normally long-lived. The reference to alliances in the Lelantine War (of doubtful historicity) cannot be a counter-argument here, as it is certainly a projection backwards from the fifth century.

[ back ] 80. Freitag, this volume.

[ back ] 81. Archibald 2000:231.

[ back ] 82. Davies 1997:24–27. Archibald 2000:214, rightly speaks of the opposition of ethnos and polis not as “alternative modes” but rather as “different levels of social organization.”

[ back ] 83. Morgan 2003:57, 74.

[ back ] 84. For example, in Larisa from the sixth century onwards in the form of aligned houses, new forms of roof tiles, imported pottery; cf. Morgan 2003:90.

[ back ] 85. Ulf 1996:271–276; likewise Gehrke 2000.