Franklin, John Curtis. 2016. Kinyras: The Divine Lyre. Hellenic Studies Series 70. Washington, DC: Center for Hellenic Studies. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:hul.ebook:CHS_FranklinJ.Kinyras.2016.
5. Mari and the Amorite Age: The City and Its Music
The Kinnāru at Mari
MÙŠ functions here as a logogram, one way of designating the goddess Inanna; the signs ZA.AN are plausibly taken by M. Gantzert as a phonetic gloss of the underlying pronunciation (the first part of zannāru).  Each of the three entries here was thus considered a variety of ‘Inanna-instrument’, and closely comparable or akin. One may note here the OAkk. seal, which shows a bull-lyre played before the goddess Inanna/Ishtar.  Further permutations of ‘Inanna-instrument’ (gišza.dInanna, gišzà.mí dInanna, etc.) are known from other Mesopotamian lexical texts, and lyres are commonly so described in Hittite sources.  Note that Zannaru also occurs as one of the names by which Ishtar was known in a passage of the Hymn to the Queen of Nippur (a MB cento of earlier sources); as Zannaru she was “the wise/skillful goddess” and “honored by Dagan,” the latter phrase suggesting a special connection with the middle Euphrates and North Syria. 
|Diri, Assur |
Here too, presumably, ZA is a phonetic gloss, and GIŠ the determinative ‘wood’. The agreement of Ḫh and Diri is so close that the passages should be considered duplicates.  Although such correspondences are not extensive in OB exemplars of Ḫh and Diri, there are enough “to believe that the two compositions influenced each other” (the direction of influence is unclear in any given case).  The simplest conclusion to be drawn from this material is that kinnāru, if it did not persist from the third millennium in Mesopotamian lexical tradition, re-entered two or more branches in the OB period thanks to the instrument’s currency in the Amorite age. It then ‘returned’ to the western peripheral cities as part of the scribal tradition, and passed independently northward into Assyria. Whatever the explanation, the probable OB scribal currency of kinnāru has interesting implications for the treatment of the Divine Kinnaru in the pantheon texts of Ugarit. 
The Amorite Connection
If such posturing was largely symbolic, it was so within a Neo-Sumerian ideological framework; the important point is its purposeful resurrection by Ishme-Dagan, which he grounded in a real cultural program. 
Divine Instruments and the Amorite World
We saw two earlier dedications of a BALAĜ, one by Gudea of Lagash, the other by Ibbi-Sin, last of the Ur III emperors. These events were of sufficient political importance to give their names to the year in question. These parallels underscore the gravity of Hammurabi’s action, and show this self-consciously Amorite king to be equally a pious perpetuator of Mesopotamian cult practice (“king of all the Amorite land, king of Sumer and Akkad”).  The context also permits reasonable guesses about the significance of the dedication. That this was considered the right gesture to punctuate the king’s final triumph over Zimri-Lim is indicated, first, by the text’s immediate juxtaposition of the two events. Furthermore, the god Nergal, to whom the instruments are devoted, has already been invoked as “the terrifying king who [goes] at the head of the troops, who annihilates the enemy lands.” With Mari’s defeat, Hammurabi’s long and careful expansionist career reached a successful climax, giving him unrivalled control over the Babylonian heartland and the eastern stretches of the Amorite cultural sphere.  The instruments may therefore be seen as a gesture of thanksgiving to Nergal, on the one hand, and a symbol of Hammurabi’s New World Order on the other—with the vanquished enemy ushering in an age of peaceful, festive music, and the end of lamentation.