Bonifazi, Anna, Annemieke Drummen, and Mark de Kreij. 2016. Particles in Ancient Greek Discourse: Exploring Particle Use across Genres. Hellenic Studies Series 79. Washington, DC: Center for Hellenic Studies. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:hul.ebook:CHS_BonifaziA_DrummenA_deKreijM.Particles_in_Ancient_Greek_Discourse.2016.
I.3 Approaches to particles and discourse markers
3.2 Terminology, definition, and classification
This perspective is close to the one taken by Andersen 2001:41, who considers the most central feature of pragmatic markers their ability to “guide the hearer in utterance interpretation and constrain the identification of the intended explicit and implicit meaning of an utterance.”  Wierzbicka 1986b:524 makes the “pointing” or “guiding” metaphor explicit: some particles (in her terminology) may function as “road signs in conversational exchanges or in discourse structure.” 
3.3 Different approaches in discourse-marker studies
3.3.1 Coherence approaches
Aijmer notes that this well is “lengthened and pronounced with a relatively high pitch and is accompanied by laughter.”  The marker “reflects [the speaker’s] ongoing cognitive process,” in a use belonging to unplanned, spoken discourse. Aijmer interprets the marker here as connected to word search, one of the functions connected to coherence: well “signals that the speaker has found the right expression.”
The moderator “selects a speaker by using well followed by the name of the nominated speaker” (59). Here the marker “signals both that the speaker is the moderator and that the transition is to a new stage in the broadcast discussion” (59).
3.3.2 Conversation Analysis
Heritage 1984 notes that turn-initial oh often occurs in responses to utterances that inform the hearer of something. Such oh receipts are often combined with assessments of the news, as in (t5). In this environment it signals that the new speaker has undergone a change in her current state of knowledge or awareness.
Heritage interprets such oh as signaling that the preceding question was somehow inappropriate. In the interview in (t6), speaker A has already given information from which it can be inferred that he had learned Chinese; the interviewer’s question is treated as problematic, because the answer is considered self-evident.
Speaker A agrees with speaker B, yet at the same time “invokes his epistemic authority as a Burmese cat owner” by using turn-initial oh, as Heritage puts it. That is, A claims that he is in a better position than B to evaluate Burmese cats, since he owns one. Heritage finds that this implication of presenting oneself as a better judge than the addressee only arises when oh occurs at the start of a turn after an assessment. 
3.3.3 Relevance Theory
The authors explain that the sentence “Peter’s not stupid” is either interpreted as evidence for the conclusion “he can find his own way home,” as represented in (t8b); or as a conclusion derived from evidence presented in the second sentence, as made explicit in (t8c). For (t8a) both interpretations are possible. Referring to Blakemore’s account of procedural meaning (e.g. 1987, 2002), Wilson and Sperber argue that discourse connectives (in Blakemore’s terminology) such as so and after all do not encode concepts, but instead constrain the hearer’s inferential processes in different ways.
Mišković-Luković points out that baš signals that the intended meaning of an utterance bears “literal resemblance” (75) to what is said. In RT the term “literal resemblance” is used to refer to a situation in which no conceptual adjustment is needed from the hearer. “Less-than-literal resemblance” is in fact much more common in everyday communication (74-75). In this case, the particle “serves to confirm the identity” between the concept of “consulate” that speaker A refers to in the first utterance, and the more specific consulate suggested in speaker B’s question. That is, Mišković-Luković interprets baš as “a marker of non-loose use” of language (80). She argues that the particle helps the hearer in his “conceptual adjustment” (74-75): when baš is present, the concept that a speaker intends to communicate bears literal resemblance to the concept she puts into words.
At the time of publication of the newspaper, in 2003, the main referent in focus for the readers was not Borislav Milošević, but his brother Slobodan, the ex-president of Yugoslavia. According to Mišković-Luković, “[b]aš before the proper name is used to block this immediately accessible assumption [i.e. that Slobodan Milošević would be referred to] by reaffirming the identity of the referent [i.e. Borislav Milošević]” (76n12). In the processing of spoken or written baš utterances, the hearer or reader can exclude less-than-literal interpretations of the proposition as it is expressed, or of the part over which baš has scope.
3.3.4 Construction Grammar
Koier explains (72-74) that the interpretation “in someone’s feelings or thoughts” is triggered by references to the first person, or by subjective forms such as the mental state predicate “want.” Even informants who are presented with only the shorter word string “zou dat ergens wel willen” (“would ergens want that”) tend to choose the same interpretation. In this case, one of the two triggers, namely “want,” remains explicitly present in the version with a restricted co-text.
Koier points out (67) that numbers are a required co-textual trigger for the interpretation of ergens as “about,” “around.” Informants do not choose this interpretation when they only have access to “dat is ergens ja pff” (“that is ergens yeah pff”). The restricted version does not provide enough help on choosing an interpretation, and accordingly informants’ answers vary widely (75).
3.4 Further relevant studies
Fleischman and Yaguello 2004 interpret this use of genre as related to the speaker’s hesitation, to tentative suggestions, or to politeness. The authors see a functional correspondence to the English discourse marker like (see their translation of the French example). Such comparisons among formally and/or functionally similar words may clarify their multifunctionality. If the compared words have the same origin, such as German doch and Dutch toch analyzed by Foolen 2006, they may still differ in use. If the forms are not etymologically related, as in Takahara’s 1998 study of English and Japanese, their uses may show similarities because of similarities in context and development. 
Margerie explains that in (t14) kind is a noun and carries a propositional meaning. In contrast, in (t15) kinda has a hedging force: the speaker, an undergraduate student, tries to be polite in asking an older student for help in writing a paper. Margerie identifies intermediate examples, in which kind of/kinda has both a propositional and an expressive function. All these different uses, which developed separately, co-exist from a synchronic perspective. Considerations of a certain discourse marker’s historical development are therefore illuminating for synchronic studies such as those represented in this monograph. 
Hwæt usually accompanies old (that is, shared) information, or the speaker at least pretends that the information is old. In this use, hwæt is similar to Modern English you know. The instance in (t16) can be considered “insulting”: the information given by the devil is clearly new to Juliana, but he implies that she should have known it already, and conveys irritation at her “slowness in understanding” (188).