Greek Public Monuments of the Persian Wars

67. Chios: Altar dedicated to Apollo at Delphi for the Persian Wars in general.

“The Delphians gave

to the Chians the right of

of first inquiry”

The base of the altar has been discovered by the French excavators of Delphi (Fouilles de Delphes 2: 128). It bears a dedicatory inscription in letters which indicate an early fifth century date (Homolle 1896: 617-620). Homolle suggested that the altar is a dedication connected with the Persian Wars and made by Chios either in the 490’s when Ionia enjoyed a brief success in the revolt, or after the battle of Mycale when its deliverance was sure (Homolle, ibid. and Schober 1931: 69-72).

Mycale seems the more likely candidate. At that time the Athenians built the stoa to house the cables of Xerxes’ bridge over the Hellespont (no. 43); the Chian altar was seen by Herodotus (2.135), but he does not connect it with the Persian wars. The letter forms of the inscription, in fact, indicating an early fifth century date, provide the only reason for supposing the monument a Persian war monument.

68. Megara: Cenotaph in Megara with epigram for the Megarians who died in the Persian Wars.

SEG 13.312:

To nourish the day of freedom for Hellas and Megara,

driving it on, we received the lot of death,

some beneath Euboea and Pelion, where you praise

the precinct of sacred Artemis the spear bearer,

some at Mount Mykale, others before Salamis,

<destroying the Ares of the Phoenicians>

some in nearby Boiotia, who endured

to put their hands on men fighting from horseback,

we citizens this honor in common around the navel

have brought to the agora of people-friendly Megara.”

Pausanias 1.43.3:

The Megarians set up a memorial, evidently a cenotaph (cf. no. 65), in their market place to commemorate the valor of their countrymen who died in the Persian Wars. For the valor of the Megarians at Artemisium and Salamis see Herodotus 8.1,45. At Plataea, however, the Megarian and Phliasian foot were routed by the Theban cavalry (Hdt. 9.69). Pausanias remarks on the graves of these heroes within the city but this memorial is probably a cenotaph for warriors buried on the battlefield (Frazer 1013,2: 533-534).

In the early eighteenth century the traveler Michel Fourmont discovered and copied, in haste, the inscription from a stone which he found embedded in the wall of a church in the village of Palaeochori near Megara.

During the nineteenth century the stone itself apparently escaped the notice of travelers, but Fourmont’s copy came into the hands of Boeckh, who reported the inscription in a lecture in Berlin in the summer of 1818, Subsequently it was published in Boeckh’s Corpus (CIG 1051), and Fourmont’s copy, although careless and not the work of a trained epigraphist, became the foundation for all editions of the inscription in the nineteenth century until Wilhelm’s rediscovery of the stone in 1898 (1899: 236-244).

It had been evident to Boeckh and to other editors preceding Wilhelm that the text of the inscription was not of the fifth century B. C. but was a copy made by a priest, Helladius, because the earlier letters had become faded with time and were in danger of becoming lost. Helladius had the original inscription reinscribed and also noted that the cenotaph was a heroon in Megara, at which a bull was regularly sacrificed even in his time.

Wilhelm rediscovered the stone in the church of St. Athanasius in Palaeochori and confirmed that the writing was, indeed, very late, probably of the fourth century A. D. Furthermore, the inscription was written in the spelling of the fourth century, without regard to the classical forms of the words.

Pausanias saw the monument in the second century A. D. but he does not mention an inscription. The original epigram was probably confined to a single distich, not the five of the present text. If these letters were badly faded at that time, he may not have noticed the inscription or at any rate he did not feel obliged to comment on it.

Wilhelm suggested that only the first couplet appeared on the original monument and that the following four were added later. They merely enumerated the battles in which the Megarians earned their fame and added nothing to the terseness and poignancy of the first two lines. If this theory is true, it affords an excellent parallel to the epitph for the Corinthians on Salamis, as preserved in the literary tradition (cf. no. 64).

Wade-Gery (1933: 95) believes that Helladius coied the epigram, not from the actual stone, but from a book. This is most attractive suggestion. If the poem had been recited at the annual celebrations Helladius may have known it by heart; this might explain the misspellings.

69. Amphiktyonic League: Statues of the sea diver Skyllis and his daughter Hydna dedicated at Delphi for the Persian Wars in general.

Pausanias 10.19.1-2 [Loeb translation: Jones 1935}:

According to Pausanias the Amphiktyons dedicated at Delphi statues of the sea diver Skyllis of Scione and his daughter Hydna. Skyllis cut the anchors of the Persian vessels as they lay off Artemisium (Hdt. 8.8), and for this fact he was quite famous. Herodotus says that many tales, some true and some false, are told about him and then proceeds to rationalize how Skyllis may have acquired his reputation. He may well have seen the statues at Delphi and heard tales about Skyllis, only some of which he would believe (cf. Macan 1907,1: 369).

70. Troezen: Altar of Helios Eleutherios established in the city.

Pausanias 2.31.5:

Pausanias is the only authority for the altar of Helios Eleutherios at Troezen. He suggests that the Troezenians set it up for their deliverance from the invasion of Xerxes (cf. no. 33) and he probably bases his suggestion (eikoti logo) on the epithet Eleutherios.

71. Troezen; statues of women and children in the market place.

Pausanias 2.31.7:

Pausanias speaks of a special stoa in the agora of Troezen, in which there were statues of women and children. The statues were designated, possibly by an inscription, as those of the Athenians whom the Troezenians sheltered during the invasion of Xerxes (cf. Hdt. 8.41). They commemorate the significant contribution Troezen made to the defense of Attica. Pausanias’ phraseology (eklipein sphisin aresan ten polin) may be a modification of the official language of the Themistocles decree (edoksen . . . ta tekna kai tas gunaikas eis Troizena katathesai). See Jameson 1960:198-223 and 1962 (cf. Doubtful Monuments, no. 1).

72. Delphi: Trophy with epigram for the Persian wars in general set up beside the temple of Athena Pronaea.

Diodorus 11.14.4:

Monument of the war of Alexander and witness of victory,

the Delphians set me up, pleasing Zeus, who

with Phoebus warded off the city-destroying Medes,

and saved the bronze crowned precinct.”

[Monument] of Al[ex]ander’s [w]ar

[and witn]ess of victory the De[lphians] set me up

[to Zeus p]leasing, with Phoebus[the city-dest]roying ranks of Medes

driving away

[and the b]ronze crowned precinct saving.

The frequent compound adjectives (ptoliporthon, chalkostephanon) are not typical of an early epigram. Meritt reports that the epigram was copied as an actual inscription by the traveler Francis Vernon in his diary of 1675 and 1676. Meritt cites Vernon’s text. The diary is unpublished but is preserved in the Library of the Royal Society in London as MS. no. 73. Vernon’s text is rough and, of course, not copied in accordance with the principles of modern epigraphy. Meritt interprets his copy and prints it in standard epigraphical form. On the stone the epigram occupied five lines instead of the usual four.

73. Delphi: Altar of the Winds for the Persian Wars in general.

Herodotus 7.178-179.1:

A cult of the winds was practiced at Thyia before the Persian Wars. The establishment of an altar there by the Delphians was probably an attempt to give Panhellenic significance to worship of the winds (Macan 1907,1: 265 and How and Wells 1912,2: 209). Thyia was the mother of Delphus by Apollo according to local legend (cf. Paus. 10.6.4; Preisendanz 1936); her name, meaning “stormy” (thuellai), suggests that she was associated with the winds.

The location of Thyia and the sanctuary established there is probably quite near Delphi itself (cf. Bourguet, Fouilles de Delphes 3.5: 124). The phrase eksaggeilantes charin athanaton katathento is a hexameter and may have been read by Herodotus from a dedicatory inscription (cf, Macan and How and Wells).

74. Epidaurus: Statue of Apollo dedicated at Delphi forthe Persian Wars in general.

Pausanias 10.15.1:

Pausanias here mentions two statues of Apollo at Delphi, one dedicated by Epidaurus for the Persian Wars and the other by Megara for a victory over Athens at Nisaea. Epidaurus was given a place on the serpent column (no. 25) and on the statue of Zeus at Olympia (no. 26).

75: Carystus: Bronze statue of an ox dedicated at Delphi for the Persian wars in general.

Pausanias 10.16.6:

Pausanias says that the dedication of a bronze statue of an ox by the Carystians represents freedom to plow the land, thus connecting the economy of the state with the victory over Persia. The ox, however, might also represent strength and power, or it might be symbolic of a sacrifice (Rouse 1907: 145). Pausanias compares this dedication to the simlar one made by Plataea (no. 84).

76-79. Funerary monuments at Thermopylae.

76-78. Grave stelae with epigrams.

Herodotus 7.228:

Once with three hundred myriads here . . . (See no. 76a).

O stranger, go tell . . . (See no. 76b).

Strabo 9.4.2:

Those who have died . . . she long for . . .” (See no. 77).

Five stelae apparently stood on the field (Strabo 9.4.2). Herodotus reports three of the epigrams; the other two are given by Strabo and Stephanus of Byzantium, who are the only authorities for the epigrams for the Opuntian Locrians and for the Thespians.

The epigram of the entire Peloonnesian force (Hdt. 7.228.1) is also quoted by Diodorus 11.33; Aristides 2,512 Dindorf; and Palatine Anthology 7.248. The epigram for the Spartiates (Hdt. 7.228.2) is also given by Lycurgus, Contra Leocratem 109; Diodorus 11.33; Strabo 9.4.16; Cicero, Tusculan Disputations 1,101 (Latin translation); Palatine Anthology 7.249; Arsenius 118; and Suidas, s. v. Leonides.

76a. Epigram for the Peloponnesians on stele set up by the Amphiktyons.

Herodotus 7.228.1:

four thousand from the Peloponnesus.”

76b. Epigram for the Spartiates on stele set up by the Amphiktyons.

Herodotus 76b:

we lie, obedient to their words.”

77. Epigram for the Opuntian Locrians.

Strabo 9.4.2:

the mother city of the Locrians, well-governed Opous.”

78. Epigram for the Thespians.

“Men, once we dwelt beneath the peaks of Helicon,

of whose fame wide-wayed Thespiae boasts.

79. Stone lion set up over the grave of Leonidas at Thermopylae.

Herodotus 7.225 (describing the hill by which the Spartans retreated):

Leonidas was buried on the battlefield at Thermopylae. Forty years later, according to Pausanias (See no. 36) his remains were reburied at Sparta. Herodotus speaks of a stone lion erected at Thermopylae in his honor and the phrase epi Leonidei should mean “over his grave”. The lion was, then, probably set up before Leonidas’ reburial at Sparta.

We do not know who put up the lion but it is reasonable to suppose that the Spartans did so. It is also possible that the Amphiktyons, who set up the stelae (no. 76), did this.

The foundation of the Leonidas monument has been identified as the partial remains of a rectangular foundation in Stählin’s “Hill I” at Thermopylae (1934: 2414). The north and northeast sides are missing but the south side is 14 m. long and the east side 11.55 m. long. It is built of large stones o.40 m. high, 1.10 m. long, and 0.57 m. thick. The wall is primarily of limestone but with admixture of breccia and sandstone. The stones are not joined by mortar and the workmanship could, therefore, be of the fifth century B. C.

The lion was the symbol of royal power (cf. Hdt. 5.92) but it could also be the symbol of valor (cf. Paus. 9.40.10). A lion was set up over the Theban grave at Chaeronea (Paus. 9.40.10; cf. Frazer 1913,5: 209-210).

80. Bronze mast with three gold stars dedicated by Aigina at Delphi for the battle of Salamis.

Herodotus 8.122:

The Panhellenic dedication at Delphi at salamis was the statue of apollo holding in his hand the beak of a ship (see no. 29). Because the Aigenetans received the prize for valor apollo required them to make a separate offering. Accordingly their deication was of a bronze mast with three golden stars. The stars and mast mat be interpreted as symbolic of nautical skill.

81. Pedimental sculptures of the temple of Aphaea in Aigina, possibly set up near the temple as a memorial for Salamis.

The temple of Aphea in Aigina was completed during the first decade of the fifth century, around 490 B. C. the sculptures of both its east and ewst pediments were almost identical, representing similar combats before Troy in the presence of Athena. Each apex was crowned by a great floral acroterion. Three sets of pedimental sculptures are preserved, however, and only two positions are available. Dinsmoor therefore suggested that both the east and west pediments were completed around 490 B. C. He thinks the west pediment earlier in style than the east and that the latter was damaged in 480, perhaps during a raid when the Persians and Greeks fought at Salamis. The east pediment was then replaced by new sculptures and the damaged ones set up east of the temple as a memorial. Dinsmoor notes that blocks from the Old Parthenon (no. 20) were reused in the building of the north wall of the Athenian Acropolis; display of old building materials in a prominent position would have the effect of commemorating the war.

This explanation is not by any means certain, however. The east pediment may merely have been damaged by lightning and then buried in the ground (cf. Kirsten and Kraiker 1962: 305).

82. Bronze statue of Artemis the Savior set up in Megara for the battle of Plataea.

Pausanias 1.40.2-3:

Pausanias here relates a story in which Artemis befuddled Persian soldiers of the army of Mardonius in the region of Megara. For similar stories of the intervention of gods during the Persian Wars see nos. 14,16,19,23,55, and 72. There was a similar statue of Artemis the Saior in Pagae near Megara (no. 83). The date of the sculptor Strongylion is not known but he is probably of the late fifth century (cf. Lippold XXXX; Richter 1929: 245-246).

83. Pagae in the Megarid; Bronze statue of Artemis the Savior.

Pausanias 1.44.4:

The statue of Artemis the Savior in Pagae is similar, as Pausanias says, to the one in Megara (no. 82). It was doubtless set up for the same occasion, commemorating the appearance of Artemis in the Megarid some time before the battle of Plataea (cf. Pausanias 1.40.2). Lippold thinks that Strongylion also made this statue.

84. Plataea: Statue of an ox dedicated at Delphi for the Persian wars in general.

Pausanias 10.15.1:

Pausanias here says that Plataea dedicated at Delphi the statue of an ox in connection with the final defeat of the Persians under Mardonius. On the significance of ox dedications, see Rouse 1907: 145. Cf. Pausanias 10.16.6 and no. 75.

85. Grave of Euchidas with stele bearing an epigram in the temple of Artemis Eukleia.

Plutarch, Aristides 20.5:

Euchidas who ran to Pytho and returned on the same day”

The transfer of fire was an act of purification (cf. no. 17) whereby Plataea became, like Delphi, a sacred region. For special arrangements in behalf of Plataea see no. 31.

86. Tomb of Mardonius.

Pausanias 9.2.2:

Herodotus (9.84) says that the body of Mardonius disappeared the day after the battle of Plataea. He does not know who buried it but he obviously heard stories of the burial and probably saw the tomb, since he says that many countries claimed to have buried Mardonius. Herodotus inclines to favor the story of burial by Dionysophanes of ephesus. Pausanias probably follows Herodotus on this point.

The tomb of Mardonius was a famous sight in Plataea and was pointed out by later travelers like Pausanias. The inhabitants of plataea believed it to be his actual tomb, whether it was so or not.

87. Tegea: Epigram for Plataea.

Palatine Anthology 7.512:

Smoke does not come over the valor of these men,

burning the air of wlde-wayed Tegea;

they wished their city flourishing in freedom

to leave to their sons, and to die in the front ranks themselves.”

88. Tegea: manger of Mardonius dedicated in the temple of Athena Alea in Tegea.

Herodotus 9.70.3:

The manger of Mardonius was among the Persian spoils hich came into the hands of the Greeks after the battle of Plataea. All the cities that fought at Plataea must have acquired some of the spoils, which they dedicated in their own particular ways (cf. no. 58). Herodotus says that the manger of Mardonius in the sanctuary of Athena Alea in Tegea was a sight worth seeing.

89. Hermione: Statue of Persephone dedicated at Delphi for the Persian Wars in general.

Syll.³ 32 :

The Hermionaeans dedi[cated to Apollo]. ” 

90. Macedon: Gilded statue of Alexander I dedicated at Delphi for the Persian wars in general.

Herodotus 8.121 (referring to the statue of Apollo holding the beak of a ship dedicated at Delphi for Salamis; cf. no. 29):

Ps-Demosthenes 12.21 (Epist. Philippi):

Ps-Demosthenes 23.200 (referring to Perdiccas, mistakenly, since Alexander I is intended):

Alexander I of Macedon fought and killed a Persian contingent passing through his territory while escaping from Plataea (Demosthenes 23.200). Philhellenic in sympathy, he sent to delphi a gilded statue of himself which Herodotus saw (8.121). The statue was probably of gilded bronze and a portrait of an ideal type (Macan 1907,1: 549).