Greek Public Monuments of the Persian Wars

XIV. Monuments of Other Cities

67. Chios: Altar dedicated to Apollo at Delphi for the Persian Wars in general.

Syll.3 19.

Homolle 1896: 617-620; Fouilles de Delphes 2: 128; Hiller 1901: 2555; Schober 1931: 69-72.

Syll. 3 19:

“The Delphians gave

to the Chians the right of

of first inquiry”

The base of the altar has been discovered by the French excavators of Delphi (Fouilles de Delphes 2: 128). It bears a dedicatory inscription in letters which indicate an early fifth century date (Homolle 1896: 617-620). Homolle suggested that the altar is a dedication connected with the Persian Wars and made by Chios either in the 490’s when Ionia enjoyed a brief success in the revolt, or after the battle of Mycale when its deliverance was sure (Homolle, ibid. and Schober 1931: 69-72).

Mycale seems the more likely candidate. At that time the Athenians built the stoa to house the cables of Xerxes’ bridge over the Hellespont (no. 43); the Chian altar was seen by Herodotus (2.135), but he does not connect it with the Persian wars. The letter forms of the inscription, in fact, indicating an early fifth century date, provide the only reason for supposing the monument a Persian war monument.

68. Megara: Cenotaph in Megara with epigram for the Megarians who died in the Persian Wars.

IG 7.53; SEG 13.312; Pausanias 1.43.3.

Boeckh, Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum (1825) 1051; Kaibel 1878 461; Bergk, Poetae Lyricae Graecae, 4th ed., Simonides 107; Hauvette 1894: 7-8,92-94; Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1897: 321; Wilhelm1899: 236-244; Busolt 1893-1904,2: 601; Hiller 1926: 30; Wade-Gery 1933: 95-97; Diehl, Simonides 96; Friedländer 1938-1939: 120, n. 1; Tod 1945-1948,1: 20; Jacoby 1945: 172, n. 57, n. 64; Peek 1955: 9 and 1960: 6.

SEG 13.312:

“The epigram for the heroes who died in the Persian Wars and li buried there, defaced by time, Helladius the high priest restored, for the honor of the city. Simonides was the author:

To nourish the day of freedom for Hellas and Megara,

driving it on, we received the lot of death,

some beneath Euboea and Pelion, where you praise

the precinct of sacred Artemis the spear bearer,

some at Mount Mykale, others before Salamis,

<destroying the Ares of the Phoenicians>

some in nearby Boiotia, who endured

to put their hands on men fighting from horseback,

we citizens this honor in common around the navel

have brought to the agora of people-friendly Megara.”

Pausanias 1.43.3:

“The graves of the Megarians are in the city; and for those who died during the invasion of the Mede there is a monument called Aisumnion and this is or the heroes.”

The Megarians set up a memorial, evidently a cenotaph (cf. no. 65), in their market place to commemorate the valor of their countrymen who died in the Persian Wars. For the valor of the Megarians at Artemisium and Salamis see Herodotus 8.1,45. At Plataea, however, the Megarian and Phliasian foot were routed by the Theban cavalry (Hdt. 9.69). Pausanias remarks on the graves of these heroes within the city but this memorial is probably a cenotaph for warriors buried on the battlefield (Frazer 1013,2: 533-534).

In the early eighteenth century the traveler Michel Fourmont discovered and copied, in haste, the inscription from a stone which he found embedded in the wall of a church in the village of Palaeochori near Megara.

During the nineteenth century the stone itself apparently escaped the notice of travelers, but Fourmont’s copy came into the hands of Boeckh, who reported the inscription in a lecture in Berlin in the summer of 1818, Subsequently it was published in Boeckh’s Corpus (CIG 1051), and Fourmont’s copy, although careless and not the work of a trained epigraphist, became the foundation for all editions of the inscription in the nineteenth century until Wilhelm’s rediscovery of the stone in 1898 (1899: 236-244).

It had been evident to Boeckh and to other editors preceding Wilhelm that the text of the inscription was not of the fifth century B. C. but was a copy made by a priest, Helladius, because the earlier letters had become faded with time and were in danger of becoming lost. Helladius had the original inscription reinscribed and also noted that the cenotaph was a heroon in Megara, at which a bull was regularly sacrificed even in his time.

Wilhelm rediscovered the stone in the church of St. Athanasius in Palaeochori and confirmed that the writing was, indeed, very late, probably of the fourth century A. D. Furthermore, the inscription was written in the spelling of the fourth century, without regard to the classical forms of the words.

Pausanias saw the monument in the second century A. D. but he does not mention an inscription. The original epigram was probably confined to a single distich, not the five of the present text. If these letters were badly faded at that time, he may not have noticed the inscription or at any rate he did not feel obliged to comment on it.

Wilhelm suggested that only the first couplet appeared on the original monument and that the following four were added later. They merely enumerated the battles in which the Megarians earned their fame and added nothing to the terseness and poignancy of the first two lines. If this theory is true, it affords an excellent parallel to the epitph for the Corinthians on Salamis, as preserved in the literary tradition (cf. no. 64).

Wade-Gery (1933: 95) believes that Helladius coied the epigram, not from the actual stone, but from a book. This is most attractive suggestion. If the poem had been recited at the annual celebrations Helladius may have known it by heart; this might explain the misspellings.

69. Amphiktyonic League: Statues of the sea diver Skyllis and his daughter Hydna dedicated at Delphi for the Persian Wars in general.

Pausanias 10.19,1-2.

Hitzig and Blümner 1896,3: 731-732; Frazer 1913,5: 327.

Pausanias 10.19.1-2 [Loeb translation: Jones 1935}:

“Beside the statue of Gorgias is a votive offering of the Amphiktyons, representing Skyllis of Skione, who, tradition says, dived into the very deepest parts of every sea. He also taught his daughter Hydna to dive. When the fleet of Xerxes was attacked by violent storms off Mount Pelion, father and daughter completed its destruction by dragging away under the sea the anchors and any other security the triremes had. In return for this deed the Amphiktyons dedicated statues of Skyllis and his daughter. The statue of Hydna completed the number of statues which Nero carried off from Delphi. Only those of the female sex who are pure virgins may dive into the sea.”

According to Pausanias the Amphiktyons dedicated at Delphi statues of the sea diver Skyllis of Scione and his daughter Hydna. Skyllis cut the anchors of the Persian vessels as they lay off Artemisium (Hdt. 8.8), and for this fact he was quite famous. Herodotus says that many tales, some true and some false, are told about him and then proceeds to rationalize how Skyllis may have acquired his reputation. He may well have seen the statues at Delphi and heard tales about Skyllis, only some of which he would believe (cf. Macan 1907,1: 369).

70. Troezen: Altar of Helios Eleutherios established in the city.

Pausanias 2.31.5.

Meyer 1939: 649; Jessen 1905-1913a: 2530 and 1905-1913c: 72-73.

Pausanias 2.31.5:

“They seem to me, by the most likely reasoning, to have built an altar of Helios Eleutherios, escaping slavery from Xerxes and the Persians.”

Pausanias is the only authority for the altar of Helios Eleutherios at Troezen. He suggests that the Troezenians set it up for their deliverance from the invasion of Xerxes (cf. no. 33) and he probably bases his suggestion (eikoti logo) on the epithet Eleutherios.

71. Troezen; statues of women and children in the market place.

Pausanias 2.31.7.

Hitzig and Blümner 1896,1: 632; Jameson 1960: 206.

Pausanias 2.31.7:

“Stone statues of women, themselves and their children, are in the narket place. The Athenians gave their women and children to the Troezenians to save them, and it pleased them to abandon their city and not to oppose with their land army the invading Mede. They are said not to have dedicated statues of all the women – for there are not many of them – but as many as were distinguished in reputation, of these alone did theey make dedications.”

Pausanias speaks of a special stoa in the agora of Troezen, in which there were statues of women and children. The statues were designated, possibly by an inscription, as those of the Athenians whom the Troezenians sheltered during the invasion of Xerxes (cf. Hdt. 8.41). They commemorate the significant contribution Troezen made to the defense of Attica. Pausanias’ phraseology (eklipein sphisin aresan ten polin) may be a modification of the official language of the Themistocles decree (edoksen . . . ta tekna kai tas gunaikas eis Troizena katathesai). See Jameson 1960:198-223 and 1962 (cf. Doubtful Monuments, no. 1).

72. Delphi: Trophy with epigram for the Persian wars in general set up beside the temple of Athena Pronaea.

Diodorus 11.14.4. Inscription: Meritt 1947.

Demangel, P., Fouilles de Delphes 2.3.86-88; Hiller 1926: 23: Meritt 1947.

Diodorus 11.14.4:

“The oracle in Delphi, by divine forethought, escaped being plundered. The Delphians, wishing to leave to future generations an immortal reminder of the epiphany of the gods, set up a trophy by the sanctuary of Athena Pronaia, on which they inscribed this elegy:

Monument of the war of Alexander and witness of victory,

the Delphians set me up, pleasing Zeus, who

with Phoebus warded off the city-destroying Medes,

and saved the bronze crowned precinct.”

[Monument] of Al[ex]ander’s [w]ar

[and witn]ess of victory the De[lphians] set me up

[to Zeus p]leasing, with Phoebus[the city-dest]roying ranks of Medes

driving away

[and the b]ronze crowned precinct saving.

The frequent compound adjectives (ptoliporthon, chalkostephanon) are not typical of an early epigram. Meritt reports that the epigram was copied as an actual inscription by the traveler Francis Vernon in his diary of 1675 and 1676. Meritt cites Vernon’s text. The diary is unpublished but is preserved in the Library of the Royal Society in London as MS. no. 73. Vernon’s text is rough and, of course, not copied in accordance with the principles of modern epigraphy. Meritt interprets his copy and prints it in standard epigraphical form. On the stone the epigram occupied five lines instead of the usual four.

73. Delphi: Altar of the Winds for the Persian Wars in general.

Herodotus 7.178-179.1.

Macan 1907,1: 265-266; How and Wells 1912,2: 209; Preisendanz1936; Legrand 1948-1961,7: 175, n.1; cf. Bourguet, Fouilles de Delphes, 3.5: 124.

Herodotus 7.178-179.1:

“The Delphians at this time consulted the god, fearing for themselves and for Greece, and the oracle told them to pray to the winds, and that they would be great allies for the Greeks. The Delphians, receiving the oracle, first announced what had been prophecied to the Greeks who wished to be free, and as they feared the barbarian intently, by proclaiming it, they established immortal gratitude for themselves. After this the Delphians set up an altar to the winds in Thyia, where there is a precinct of Thyia, daughter of the river Kephisus, from which the entire region takes its name, and they joined in sacrificing. The Delphians appeased the winds according to the oracle even now.”

A cult of the winds was practiced at Thyia before the Persian Wars. The establishment of an altar there by the Delphians was probably an attempt to give Panhellenic significance to worship of the winds (Macan 1907,1: 265 and How and Wells 1912,2: 209). Thyia was the mother of Delphus by Apollo according to local legend (cf. Paus. 10.6.4; Preisendanz 1936); her name, meaning “stormy” (thuellai), suggests that she was associated with the winds.

The location of Thyia and the sanctuary established there is probably quite near Delphi itself (cf. Bourguet, Fouilles de Delphes 3.5: 124). The phrase eksaggeilantes charin athanaton katathento is a hexameter and may have been read by Herodotus from a dedicatory inscription (cf, Macan and How and Wells).

74. Epidaurus: Statue of Apollo dedicated at Delphi forthe Persian Wars in general.

Pausanias 10.15.1:

“Next to this (a statue of Phryne by Praxiteles), the Epidaurains in the Argolid dedicated a statue of Apollo; it is from the Medes, and the Megarians also dedicated a statue (of Apollo) for themselves for a victory over the Athenians at Nisaea.”

Pausanias here mentions two statues of Apollo at Delphi, one dedicated by Epidaurus for the Persian Wars and the other by Megara for a victory over Athens at Nisaea. Epidaurus was given a place on the serpent column (no. 25) and on the statue of Zeus at Olympia (no. 26).

75: Carystus: Bronze statue of an ox dedicated at Delphi for the Persian wars in general.

Pausanias 10.16.6.

Hitzig and Blümner 1896,3: 724; Rouse 1907: 145; Schober 1931: 103-104.

Pausanias 10.16.6:

“The Carystians in Euboea themselves also dedicated a bronze ox to Apollo for the war with the Medes. The Carystians and the Plataeans made dedications because, it seems to me, they drove away the barbarians and otherwise obtained lasting happiness and freedom to plough the land.”

Pausanias says that the dedication of a bronze statue of an ox by the Carystians represents freedom to plow the land, thus connecting the economy of the state with the victory over Persia. The ox, however, might also represent strength and power, or it might be symbolic of a sacrifice (Rouse 1907: 145). Pausanias compares this dedication to the simlar one made by Plataea (no. 84).

76-79. Funerary monuments at Thermopylae.

76-78. Grave stelae with epigrams.

Herodotus 7.228; Strabo 9.4.2.

Macan 1907,1: 335-337; How and Wells 1912,2: 230-231; Wade-Gery 1933: 71-73; McDermott 1944-1945 168-170; Oppermann 1953: 121-127.

Herodotus 7.228:

“For those who were buried on the spot where they fell and for others who died earlier than those killed with Leonidas, this epigram has been written:

Once with three hundred myriads here . . . (See no. 76a).

O stranger, go tell . . . (See no. 76b).

Strabo 9.4.2:

“Opous is the mother city, just as the inscription declares, which is the first of the five stelae inscribed at Thermopylae for the common grave:

Those who have died . . . she long for . . .” (See no. 77).

Five stelae apparently stood on the field (Strabo 9.4.2). Herodotus reports three of the epigrams; the other two are given by Strabo and Stephanus of Byzantium, who are the only authorities for the epigrams for the Opuntian Locrians and for the Thespians.

The epigram of the entire Peloonnesian force (Hdt. 7.228.1) is also quoted by Diodorus 11.33; Aristides 2,512 Dindorf; and Palatine Anthology 7.248. The epigram for the Spartiates (Hdt. 7.228.2) is also given by Lycurgus, Contra Leocratem 109; Diodorus 11.33; Strabo 9.4.16; Cicero, Tusculan Disputations 1,101 (Latin translation); Palatine Anthology 7.249; Arsenius 118; and Suidas, s. v. Leonides.

76a. Epigram for the Peloponnesians on stele set up by the Amphiktyons.

Herodotus 7.228.1.

Bergk, Poetae Lyricae Graecae, 4th ed., Simonides 91; Hauvette 1894: 3; Hiller 1926: 15; Wade-Gery 1933: 72; Peek 1955: 3; Diehl, Simonides 91.

Herodotus 7.228.1:

“Once with three hundred myriads here fought

four thousand from the Peloponnesus.”

76b. Epigram for the Spartiates on stele set up by the Amphiktyons.

Herodotus 7.228.2.

Bergk, Poetae Lyricae Graecae, 4th ed., Simonides 92; Hauvette 1894: 1; Geffcken 1916: 105; Hiller 1926: 16; Friedländer 938-1939: 99-101; Diehl, Simonides 92; Peek 1955: 4 and 1960: 1.

Herodotus 76b:

“O stranger, go tell the Lacedaemonians that here

we lie, obedient to their words.”

77. Epigram for the Opuntian Locrians.

Strabo 9.4.2.

Bergk, Poetae Lyricae Graecae, 4th ed., Simonides 95; Hauvette 1894: 38; How and wells 1912,2: 230; Hiller 1926: 18; Friedländer 1938-1939: 95-97; Peek 1955: 6 and 1960: 3.

Strabo 9.4.2:

“Those who died for Greece against the Medes she long for,

the mother city of the Locrians, well-governed Opous.”

78. Epigram for the Thespians.

How and Wells 1912,2: 230; Hiller 1926: 19; Wade-Gery 1933; 76; Friedländer 1938-1939: 94-95; Peek 1955: 5 and 1960: 2.

Stephanus of Byzantium, s. v. Thespeia:

“Men, once we dwelt beneath the peaks of Helicon,

of whose fame wide-wayed Thespiae boasts.

79. Stone lion set up over the grave of Leonidas at Thermopylae.

Herodotus 7.225.

Macan 1907,1: 333; How and Wells 1912,2: 230; Lenschau 1925 2015-2018; Stählin 1934: 2414,2419; Legrand 1948-1961,7: 226, n. 4.

Herodotus 7.225 (describing the hill by which the Spartans retreated):

“The hill is in the path where now the stone lion stands over Leonidas.”

Leonidas was buried on the battlefield at Thermopylae. Forty years later, according to Pausanias (See no. 36) his remains were reburied at Sparta. Herodotus speaks of a stone lion erected at Thermopylae in his honor and the phrase epi Leonidei should mean “over his grave”. The lion was, then, probably set up before Leonidas’ reburial at Sparta.

We do not know who put up the lion but it is reasonable to suppose that the Spartans did so. It is also possible that the Amphiktyons, who set up the stelae (no. 76), did this.

The foundation of the Leonidas monument has been identified as the partial remains of a rectangular foundation in Stählin’s “Hill I” at Thermopylae (1934: 2414). The north and northeast sides are missing but the south side is 14 m. long and the east side 11.55 m. long. It is built of large stones o.40 m. high, 1.10 m. long, and 0.57 m. thick. The wall is primarily of limestone but with admixture of breccia and sandstone. The stones are not joined by mortar and the workmanship could, therefore, be of the fifth century B. C.

The lion was the symbol of royal power (cf. Hdt. 5.92) but it could also be the symbol of valor (cf. Paus. 9.40.10). A lion was set up over the Theban grave at Chaeronea (Paus. 9.40.10; cf. Frazer 1913,5: 209-210).

80. Bronze mast with three gold stars dedicated by Aigina at Delphi for the battle of Salamis.

Herodotus 8.122.

Macan 1907,1: 549; How and Wells 1912,2: 275.

Herodotus 8.122:

“Sending first fruits to Delphi, the Greeks inquired of the god in common if he had received full and pleasing offerings. He said that he did from all of the other Greeks, except for the Aigenetans, and he demanded that they make an offering for the naval battle at Salamis. When they learned this, the Aigenetans out up the three golden stars which stand on a bronze mast in the corner, nearest to the krater of Croesus.”

The Panhellenic dedication at Delphi at salamis was the statue of apollo holding in his hand the beak of a ship (see no. 29). Because the Aigenetans received the prize for valor apollo required them to make a separate offering. Accordingly their deication was of a bronze mast with three golden stars. The stars and mast mat be interpreted as symbolic of nautical skill.

81. Pedimental sculptures of the temple of Aphaea in Aigina, possibly set up near the temple as a memorial for Salamis.

Dinsmoor 1950: 107.

The temple of Aphea in Aigina was completed during the first decade of the fifth century, around 490 B. C. the sculptures of both its east and ewst pediments were almost identical, representing similar combats before Troy in the presence of Athena. Each apex was crowned by a great floral acroterion. Three sets of pedimental sculptures are preserved, however, and only two positions are available. Dinsmoor therefore suggested that both the east and west pediments were completed around 490 B. C. He thinks the west pediment earlier in style than the east and that the latter was damaged in 480, perhaps during a raid when the Persians and Greeks fought at Salamis. The east pediment was then replaced by new sculptures and the damaged ones set up east of the temple as a memorial. Dinsmoor notes that blocks from the Old Parthenon (no. 20) were reused in the building of the north wall of the Athenian Acropolis; display of old building materials in a prominent position would have the effect of commemorating the war.

This explanation is not by any means certain, however. The east pediment may merely have been damaged by lightning and then buried in the ground (cf. Kirsten and Kraiker 1962: 305).

82. Bronze statue of Artemis the Savior set up in Megara for the battle of Plataea.

Pausanias 1.40.2-3:

“Not far from the spring there is an ancient sanctuary of this goddess, and statues stand in it of Roman emperors as well as well as a bronze statue of Artemis who is called the Savior. They say that men of the army of Mardonius were running away and went to Megara, wishing to go to Thebes behind Mardonius, but by the design of Artemis lost their way at night and were turned from the path into the mountainous area. Trying to find out if the nearby army was hostile enough to shoot arrows and to endure a rock that had been thrown, again with much eagerness they shot arrows. Finally they thought that the arrows had been shot at men who were their enemies and had been taken by them. Day appeared and the Megarians attacked, fighting as hoplites against unarmed men who were at a loss for weapons, and they killed many of them. For this skirmish they made a statue of Artemis the Savior. There also are said to the images of the twelve gods which are works of Praxiteles. Strongylion made the statue of Artemis.”

Pausanias here relates a story in which Artemis befuddled Persian soldiers of the army of Mardonius in the region of Megara. For similar stories of the intervention of gods during the Persian Wars see nos. 14,16,19,23,55, and 72. There was a similar statue of Artemis the Saior in Pagae near Megara (no. 83). The date of the sculptor Strongylion is not known but he is probably of the late fifth century (cf. Lippold XXXX; Richter 1929: 245-246).

83. Pagae in the Megarid; Bronze statue of Artemis the Savior.

Pausanias 1.44.4.

Hitzig and Blümner 1896,1: 375; Frazer 1913,2: 542. Lippold XXXX: 372-374; Richter 1929: 245-246.

Pausanias 1.44.4:

“In Pagae is a bronze image of Artemis who is called the Savior which is worth seeing. It is equal in size and form to that set up by the Megarians, having nothing of difference.”

The statue of Artemis the Savior in Pagae is similar, as Pausanias says, to the one in Megara (no. 82). It was doubtless set up for the same occasion, commemorating the appearance of Artemis in the Megarid some time before the battle of Plataea (cf. Pausanias 1.40.2). Lippold thinks that Strongylion also made this statue.

84. Plataea: Statue of an ox dedicated at Delphi for the Persian wars in general.

Pausanias 10.15.1.

Rouse 1907: 145.

Pausanias 10.15.1:

“There is a cow of the Plataeans, set up for the time when in their own land they, with the Greeks, defended against Mardonius the son of Gobryas.”

Pausanias here says that Plataea dedicated at Delphi the statue of an ox in connection with the final defeat of the Persians under Mardonius. On the significance of ox dedications, see Rouse 1907: 145. Cf. Pausanias 10.16.6 and no. 75.

85. Grave of Euchidas with stele bearing an epigram in the temple of Artemis Eukleia.

Plutarch, Aristides 20.5.

Perrin 1901: 315; Kirsten 1950: 2328-2330; Limentani 1964: 86 and lvi.

Plutarch, Aristides 20.5:

“The officials of the Greeks, going around, immediately ompelled all who were burning fires to put them out, and Euchidas, who had promised to bring the sacred fire to Plataea from the god, went to Delphi, and, having purified his body and crowned himself, draped with laurel, taking the fire from the altar, he ran back again to Plataea and arrived before sunset, covering a thousand stades in the same day. Greeting the citizens and handing over the fire at once, he fell and in a little while died. The Plataeans, marveling at his feat, buried him in the sanctuary of Artemis Eukleia, and inscribed this tetrameter over him:

Euchidas who ran to Pytho and returned on the same day”

The transfer of fire was an act of purification (cf. no. 17) whereby Plataea became, like Delphi, a sacred region. For special arrangements in behalf of Plataea see no. 31.

86. Tomb of Mardonius.

Pausanias 9.2.2.

Hitzig and Blümner 1896,3: 394; Pritchett 1957: 14-15.

Pausanias 9.2.2:

“To those going along the avenue, again, there is on the right a monument said to be that of Mardonius. But it is agreed that the corpse of Mardonius disappeared immediately after the battle; They say that someone, whoever it was, butried him, but not in this way. Artontes son of Mardonius appears to have given many gifts to Dionysiophanes, a man of Ephesus, but he also gave many gifts to other Ionians, as they were not unconcerned that Mardonius be buried.”

Herodotus (9.84) says that the body of Mardonius disappeared the day after the battle of Plataea. He does not know who buried it but he obviously heard stories of the burial and probably saw the tomb, since he says that many countries claimed to have buried Mardonius. Herodotus inclines to favor the story of burial by Dionysophanes of ephesus. Pausanias probably follows Herodotus on this point.

The tomb of Mardonius was a famous sight in Plataea and was pointed out by later travelers like Pausanias. The inhabitants of plataea believed it to be his actual tomb, whether it was so or not.

87. Tegea: Epigram for Plataea.

Palatine Anthology 7.512.

Bergk, Poetae Lyricae Graecae, 4th ed., Simonides 102; Hauvette 1894: 31; Hiller 192639; Diehl, Simonides 122; Peek 1955: 11 and 1960: 7.

Palatine Anthology 7.512:

“Of the same (sc. Simonides). For the Tegeans who made Greece remain free:

Smoke does not come over the valor of these men,

burning the air of wlde-wayed Tegea;

they wished their city flourishing in freedom

to leave to their sons, and to die in the front ranks themselves.”

88. Tegea: manger of Mardonius dedicated in the temple of Athena Alea in Tegea.

Herodotus 9.70.3.

Macan 1907,1: 743-744; Rouse 1907: 117; How and Wells 1912,2; 316.

Herodotus 9.70.3:

“First the Tegeans came to the wall, and they were the ones who had plundered the tent of Mardonius, and among other things they took the manger of his horses, being all bronze and worth seeing. This manger of Mardonius they dedicated in the temple of Athena Alea in Tegea.”

The manger of Mardonius was among the Persian spoils hich came into the hands of the Greeks after the battle of Plataea. All the cities that fought at Plataea must have acquired some of the spoils, which they dedicated in their own particular ways (cf. no. 58). Herodotus says that the manger of Mardonius in the sanctuary of Athena Alea in Tegea was a sight worth seeing.

89. Hermione: Statue of Persephone dedicated at Delphi for the Persian Wars in general.

Syll.3 32.

Fouilles de Delphes 2: 234; Pomtow 1912; Schober 1931: 112.

Syll.3 32 :


The Hermionaeans dedi[cated to Apollo]. ” 

90. Macedon: Gilded statue of Alexander I dedicated at Delphi for the Persian wars in general.

Herodotus 8.121; Ps-Demosthenes 12.21 (Epist. Philippi); Demosthenes 23.200.

Macan 1907,1: 549; How and Wells 1912,2: 275; Pomtow 1924: 1413; Legrand 1948-1961,8: 117, n. 6.

Herodotus 8.121 (referring to the statue of Apollo holding the beak of a ship dedicated at Delphi for Salamis; cf. no. 29):

“It stands near the golden statue of Alexander of Macedon.”

Ps-Demosthenes 12.21 (Epist. Philippi):

“When Alexander his ancestor (of Philip I) held this region (Amphipolis), whence he dedicated at delphi a golden statue as first fruits of the captured Medes,”

Ps-Demosthenes 23.200 (referring to Perdiccas, mistakenly, since Alexander I is intended):

“and gain for Perdiccas . . . who destroyed those of the barbarians who were coming back fropm Plataea . . . they decreed that it should not be moved.”

Alexander I of Macedon fought and killed a Persian contingent passing through his territory while escaping from Plataea (Demosthenes 23.200). Philhellenic in sympathy, he sent to delphi a gilded statue of himself which Herodotus saw (8.121). The statue was probably of gilded bronze and a portrait of an ideal type (Macan 1907,1: 549).