The Captive Woman’s Lament in Greek Tragedy.

[In this on-line version, the page-numbers of the printed version are indicated within braces (“{” and “}”). For example, “{69|70}” indicates where p. 69 of the printed version ends and p. 70 begins. These indications will be useful to readers who need to look up references made elsewhere to the printed version of this book.]


What a pitiful sorrow it would be to hurl this primordial city down to Hades, the slave and quarry of the spear in the crumbling ash, destroyed and losing its honor at the hands of Achaean men and through the will of the gods, with its women overcome and taken into slavery—oh! oh!—young and old women alike, pulled by the locks of their hair, as if they were horses held by the mane, their veils all ripped and torn. The city, emptied, wails in many different voices of lament for its lost population. I am afraid in advance of the heavy doom that is to be.

Aeschylus, Seven Against Thebes 321-332 [1]

This appreciation for the consequences that war brings about for women has a long history. In book 8 of the Odyssey, Odysseus is famously compared to a lamenting woman, fallen over the body of her husband, as she is being dragged away into captivity.

ταῦτ’ ἄρ’ ἀοιδὸς ἄειδε περικλυτός· αὐτὰρ Ὀδυσσεὺς
τήκετο, δάκρυ δ’ ἔδευεν ὑπὸ βλεφάροισι παρειάς.
ὡς δὲ γυνὴ κλαίῃσι φίλον πόσιν ἀμφιπεσοῦσα,
ὅς τε ἑῆς πρόσθεν πόλιος λαῶν τε πέσῃσιν,
ἄστεϊ καὶ τεκέεσσιν ἀμύνων νηλεὲς ἦμαρ·
ἡ μὲν τὸν θνῄσκοντα καὶ ἀσπαίροντα ἰδοῦσα
ἀμφ’ αὐτᾠ χυμένη λίγα κωκύει· οἱ δέ τ’ ὄπισθε
κόπτοντες δούρεσσι μετάφρενον ἠδὲ καὶ ὤμους
εἴρερον εἰσανάγουσι, πόνον τ’ ἐχέμεν καὶ ὀϊζύν·
τῆς δ’ ἐλεεινοτάτῳ ἄχεϊ φθινύθουσι παρειαί·
ὣς Ὀδυσεὺς ἐλεεινὸν ὑπ’ ὀφρύσι δάκρυον εἶβεν.

Odyssey 8.521-531

The renowned singer sang these things. But Odysseus
melted, and wet the cheeks below his eyelids with a tear.
As when a woman laments, falling over the body of her dear husband
who fell before his city and people,
attempting to ward off the pitiless day for his city and children,
and she, seeing him dying and gasping,
falling around him wails with piercing cries, but men from behind
beating her back and shoulders with their spears
force her to be a slave and have toil and misery,
and with the most pitiful grief her cheeks waste away,
So Odysseus shed a pitiful tear beneath his brows.

The simile is so striking because the generic woman of the simile could easily be one of Odysseus’ own victims. As Gregory Nagy has demonstrated, the simile picks up the narrative of the fall of Troy precisely where Demodokos’ song is interrupted, with the fight raging near the house of Deiphobus (Odyssey 8.516-520). [
3] Although the woman of the simile does not actually speak, the language of the simile has powerful associations with the lamentation of {2|3} captive women elsewhere in epic, with the result that the listener can easily conjure her song. [4]

The enslavement and sexual violation of women and the death of husbands are realities of war that are neither condemned nor avoided in epic poetry. [7] As Michael Nagler has shown, the taking of Troy is explicitly compared in the Iliad to the tearing of a woman’s veil and hence characterized as a rape. [8] In Iliad 11, Diomedes mocks Paris for the minor wound that he has inflicted on him:

οὐκ ἀλέγω, ὡς εἴ με γυνὴ βάλοι ἢ πάϊς ἄφρων·
κωφὸν γὰρ βέλος ἀνδρὸς ἀνάλκιδος οὐτιδανοῖο.
ἦ τ’ ἄλλως ὑπ’ ἐμεῖο, καὶ εἴ κ’ ὀλίγον περ ἐπαύρῃ,
ὀξὺ βέλος πέλεται, καὶ ἀκήριον αἶψα τίθησι.
τοῦ δὲ γυναικὸς μέν τ’ ἀμφίδρυφοί εἰσι παρειαί,
παῖδες δ’ ὀρφανικοί· ὃ δέ θ’ αἵματι γαῖαν ἐρεύθων
πύθεται, οἰωνοὶ δὲ περὶ πλέες ἠὲ γυναῖκες.

Iliad 11.389-396

I don’t care—it’s as if a woman or senseless child struck me.
The arrow of a worthless coward is blunt.
But when I wound a man it is far otherwise. Even if I just graze his skin,
the arrow is piercing, and quickly renders the man lifeless.
His wife tears both her cheeks in grief
and his children are fatherless, while he, reddening the earth with his blood,
rots, and vultures, not women, surround him. {4|5}

The horror that Diomedes describes, culminating in an unlamented corpse that will be eaten by vultures, will in fact be the fate of countless Trojans. And yet the Iliad is not without lamentation. The Iliad ends with the haunting songs of women who are soon to be the Greeks’ captive slaves—widowed, foreign, old and young, they are the antithesis of the Greek citizen ideal, the ultimate other. [
9] But the grief they initiate is a communal grief, a communal song of mourning that on the surface laments Hektor, but is even more fundamentally Achilles’ own song of sorrow. [10]

Why were the Greeks (especially the Athenians) so fascinated with the plight of the captive Trojan women, their own victims in the war that serves as the cornerstone of Greek literary and artistic traditions? Although some might read this fascination as a simple manifestation of colonial imperialism, in this book I have chosen to pursue a different route. By analyzing the place of the laments of captive women in the tragedies that they occupy, I hope to show that the Athenians had a particular appreciation, inherited from epic, of the universality of war-time suffering, to the extent that they could explore their own sorrows by experiencing that of their enemies. At the same time, the Athenians maintained a very complex relationship with the Trojan War, such that at various points in the history of the fifth century the Athenians could distance themselves from the Greek collective and interpret the significance of the sack of Troy from the perspective of the defeated Trojans.

This line of argument directly confronts the predominant view among classicists and historians of the ancient world, which sees Athenian exploration of their civic identity in the oppositions that are constructed in much of the Greek artistic and intellectual tradition between man and woman, master and slave, Greek and foreigner, and, finally, the eulogy of a state funeral and the wild lamentation of women. [13] The songs of captive women that occupy so much of Greek literature conflate all of these oppositions. In her conclusion to a recent book on the representation of women in Greek tragedy, Foley articulates the traditional view and then qualifies it:

As Foley perceives, the categories of male, female, Greek, barbarian, slave, and free become blurred in Greek tragedy as often as they are sharply drawn. {6|7} This blurring is due in part to the nature of the genre, at least part of whose function is to question and hold up for criticism by inversion and exaggeration the institutions that are central to civic life. [

A Taxonomy of Tragic Lament

For Classicists who study ancient Greek laments, there are a number of formal examples that survive in Homeric epic and tragedy. [23] As will become clear, however, in this book I do not restrict my analysis to formal laments for the dead. The laments of tragedy are for the most part divorced from funeral ritual, in the sense that tragedy rarely presents to the viewer an actual funeral. [24] But there is of course a great deal of calamity and death in tragedy, and the conventions of Greek funeral lament are at the heart of the poetry of tragedy. Aeschylus’ Persians, for example, consists mainly of a series of laments for the Persian war dead and for Persia as a nation. Other tragedies have a similar structure, and particularly those for which the chorus {9|10} is a group of captive women, or those that revolve around the death of a central hero. [25] Lamentation and funeral ritual are both incorporated into and transformed by tragedy, as Charles Segal has shown:

Segal argues that while tragedy is heavily indebted to earlier poetic forms of commemoration and expression of suffering, it is also “radically new” in that it transforms whatever it uses and synthesizes genres and rituals in new ways. [

As a stunning example of the combination of themes and emotions that converge in the captive woman’s lament I cite again the antiphonal choral passage from the Trojan Women mentioned above:

Αν. Ἀχαιοὶ δεσπόται μ’ ἄγουσιν.
Εκ. οἴμοι. Αν. τί παιᾶν’ ἐμὸν στενάζεις;
Εκ. αἰαῖ Αν. τῶνδ’ ἀλγέων
Εκ. ὦ Ζεῦ Αν. καὶ συμφορᾶς.
Εκ. τέκεα Αν. πρίν ποτ’ ἦμεν.
Εκ. βέβακ’ ὄλβος, βέβακε Τροία
Αν. τλάμων. Εκ. ἐμῶν τ’ εὐγένεια παίδων.
Αν. φεῦ φεῦ Εκ. φεῦ δῆτ’ ἐμῶν
Αν. κακῶν. Εκ. οἰκτρὰ τύχα
Αν. πόλεος Εκ. ἃ καπνοῦται.
Αν. μόλοις, ὦ πόσις μοι
Εκ. βοᾶις τὸν παρ’ ᾍδαι
παῖδ’ ἐμόν, ὦ μελέα.
Αν. σᾶς δάμαρτος ἄλκαρ.
Αν. †σύ τ’†, ὦ λῦμ’ Ἀχαιῶν
Εκ. τέκνων δή ποθ’ ἁμῶν
πρεσβυγενὲς Πριάμωι.
Αν. κοιμίσαι μ’ ἐς ᾍδου.
Αν. οἵδε πόθοι μεγάλοι Εκ. σχετλία, τάδε πάσχομεν ἄλγη
Αν. οἰχομένας πόλεως Εκ. ἐπὶ δ’ ἄλγεσιν ἄλγεα κεῖται.

Trojan Women 577-597

ANDROMACHE: The Achaean masters are leading me away.
HECUBA: Woe is me! ANDROMACHE: Why do you sing my own song of lament?
HECUBA: Alas! ANDROMACHE: Alas for this pain—
HECUBA: Oh Zeus! ANDROMACHE: and disaster!
HECUBA: Children! ANDROMACHE: We were once your children.
HECUBA: Happiness has gone, Troy has gone!
ANDROMACHE: Miserable! HECUBA: And the nobility of my children is gone!
ANDROMACHE: Alas! Alas! HECUBA: Alas for my {13|14}
ANDROMACHE: evils. HECUBA: Pitiful is the fortune
ANDROMACHE: of the city HECUBA: which is now smoldering.
ANDROMACHE: Please come, my husband—
HECUBA: You call for one who is in Hades,
and my son, unhappy woman!
ANDROMACHE: please come as defender of your wife!
ANDROMACHE: You, the outrage of the Achaeans,
HECUBA: the eldest of my
children by Priam.
ANDROMACHE: Take me to Hades.
ANDROMACHE: Great is my longing [pothoi]— HECUBA: Wretch, we suffer this pain—
ANDROMACHE: for the city that is gone. HECUBA: pain lies on top of pain.

Here Andromache and Hecuba lament the city of Troy, Hektor, their children, and their own suffering in a dizzying antiphonal exchange. The complex combination of themes and emotions is signaled by the structure, in which Andromache and Hecuba at one time complete each other’s sentences, and at others interrupt with a completely different syntax. [

Euripides’ surviving tragedies that deal most directly with the sack of Troy theme feature captive women not only as protagonists, but also as the chorus. In the Hecuba and the Trojan Women, the suffering of Hecuba as an individual is balanced against the suffering of the Trojan Women as a collective in the choral odes. Thus the plays comprise of a series of laments by Hecuba, interspersed with choral odes, which are themselves laments and {16|17} exemplify many traditional aspects of the genre. In Euripides’ Trojan Women, the captive women that make up the chorus of the drama call upon the Muse and propose to sing a new kind of song about Troy:

ἀμφί μοι Ἴλιον, ὦ/Μοῦσα, καινῶν ὕμνων/ἄεισον ἐν δακρύοις ᾠδὰν ἐπικήδειον·/νῦν γὰρ μέλος ἐς Τροίαν ἰαχήσω,/τετραβάμονος ὡς ὑπ’ ἀπήνας/Ἀργείων ὀλόμαν τάλαινα δοριάλωτος,/ὅτ’ ἔλιπον ἵππον οὐράνια/βρέμοντα χρυσεοφάλαρον ἔνο-/πλον ἐν πύλαις Ἀχαιοί·

Trojan Women 511-521

What follows is an account of the fall of Troy, told from the perspective of the now captive Trojan women. When the wooden horse was brought into Troy, everyone rejoiced with songs (529). At night choruses of young women danced and sang to Phrygian tunes from the Libyan pipe (544-547) and torches were lit in the houses (548-550). The chorus then goes on to recount how they were in the palace dancing and singing in honor of Artemis when they heard the “bloody shout” (551-557)

βρέφη δὲ φίλι-/α περὶ πέπλους ἔβαλλε μα-/τρὶ χεῖρας ἐπτοημένας·/λόχου δ’ ἐξέβαιν’ Ἄρης,/κόρας ἔργα Παλλάδος./σφαγαὶ δ’ ἀμφιβώμιοι/Φρυγῶν, ἔν τε δεμνί-οις/καράτομος ἐρημία/νεανίδων στέφανον ἔφερεν/Ἑλλάδι κουροτρόφον,/Φρυγῶν πατρίδι πένθη.

Trojan Women 557-567

In this book I argue that in the Greek tradition women have always sung songs about wars and the deeds of heroes. But when they tell the tale of Troy, the song is one of penthos, not kleos. [
46] Here the chorus recounts events that were narrated in an epic tradition now lost to us, the Ilioupersis (“Sack of Troy”). This song allows its Greek audience to visualize the events through the eyes of the other side. For the duration of the song the audience experiences both the euphoria of believing the war to be over and then the horror of the sack of the city as a Trojan, and even more extraordinarily, as a woman. In men’s songs about Troy, heroes kill their warrior opponents, and both men win kleos. [47] In women’s songs, children are terrified, husbands are slain, and women are raped and taken captive. Just as the protagonists of the Trojan War plays such as Hecuba, Polyxena, and Andromache tell the tale of Troy through lament, so too do the choruses of these plays offer an alternative version, a new song about the fall of Troy, told from the point of view of the women who survived it.

In the Hecuba, a no less extraordinary account of the sack is sung and danced by the chorus:

μεσονύκτιος ὠλλύμαν,/ἦμος ἐκ δείπνων ὕπνος ἡδὺς ἐπ’ ὄσσοις/σκίδναται, μολπᾶν δ’ ἄπο καὶ χοροποιῶν/θυσιᾶν καταλύσας/πόσις ἐν θαλάμοις ἔκει-/το, ξυστὸν δ’ ἐπὶ πασσάλῳ,/ναύταν οὐκέθ’ ὁρῶν ὅμι-/λον Τροίαν/Ἰλιάδ’ ἐμβεβῶτα.

ἐγὼ δὲ πλόκαμον ἀναδέτοις/μίτραισιν ἐρρυθμιζόμαν/χρυσέων ἐνόπτρων λεύσ-/σουσ’ ἀτέρμονας εἰς αὐγάς,/ἐπιδέμνιος ὡς πέσοιμ’ {18|19} ἐς εὐνάν./ἀνὰ δὲ κέλαδος ἔμολε πόλιν·/κέλευσμα δ’ ἦν κατ’ ἄστυ Τροί-/ας τόδ’· ὦ/παῖδες Ἑλλάνων, πότε δὴ πότε τὰν/Ἰλιάδα σκοπιὰν/πέρσαντες ἥξετ’ οἴκους;

λέχη δὲ φίλια μονόπεπλος/λιποῦσα, Δωρὶς ὡς κόρα,/σεμνὰν προσίζουσ’ οὐκ/ἤνυσ’ Ἄρτεμιν ἁ τλάμων·/ἄγομαι δὲ θανόντ’ ἰδοῦσ’ ἀκοίταν/τὸν ἐμὸν ἅλιον ἐπὶ πέλαγος,/πόλιν τ’ ἀποσκοποῦσ’, ἐπεὶ/νόστιμον/ναῦς ἐκίνησεν πόδα καί μ’ ἀπὸ γᾶς/ὥρισεν Ἰλιάδος·/τάλαιν’, ἀπεῖπον ἄλγει,

Euripides, Hecuba 914-942

It was in the middle of the night my ruin came, in the hour when sleep steals sweetly over the eyes after the feast is done. My husband, the music over, and the sacrifice that initiates the dance now ended, was lying in our bridal-chamber, his spear hung on a peg; with never a thought of the throng of sailors encamped upon the Trojan shores;

and I was braiding my hair in a headband before my golden mirror’s countless rays, so that I might lay down to rest in my bed; when through the city rose a din, and a cry went ringing down the streets of Troy, “O sons of Hellas, when, oh! when will you sack the citadel of Ilium, and seek your homes?”

The perspective of this ode is even more intimate than that of the Trojan Women. The chorus describes how they were in their bedrooms, preparing for bed. The feast and dancing are over and the weapons are hung up on their pegs when they start to hear the shouts. At this moment, the chorus, describing their state of undress when Troy fell, makes an extraordinary comparison: they were dressed only in their tunics (monopeplos 933), “like a Dorian girl.” In describing that moment of shock and horror in which the Trojan women spring from their marriage beds, realize what is happening, and seek refuge with Artemis, the chorus compares themselves to a Greek girl, momentarily collapsing the distinction between Greek and Trojan amidst the chaos of a city under assault.

This choral ode from the Hecuba has as much in common with traditional laments for the dead as it does with laments for the fall of cities. This kind {19|20} of song, common to both captive female protagonists and choruses in Greek tragedy, combines grief for the loss of one’s home with the helplessness and anxiety about the future traditionally expressed in laments for individuals. In this way the captive woman’s lament merges two traditions and becomes a category in its own right, with its own conventions and emotional force.


So far I have stressed the traditional form of Greek laments and the way that the captive woman’s lament in Greek tragedy manipulates this form in order to speak out and elicit the sympathy of the other characters and the audience. As we will see in the ensuing chapters, the traditional content of laments for the dead—including traditional metaphors, imagery, and themes—are likewise incorporated into the songs of captive women. Many laments in the Greek tradition are also love songs or songs about the loss of love. [50] Erotic imagery and reflections on marriage are intertwined with grief and sorrow, thereby uniting the traditional concerns of Greek women in a single but {20|21} constantly shifting emotional dynamic. The tragedians develop these traditional themes of love, loss, marriage, and death in the tragedies that feature women as protagonists precisely because these are the themes particularly associated with women’s song traditions. As I have argued elsewhere, captive women fulfill one of two paradigms: they are either unmarried women who have lost their fathers, or married women who have lost their husbands. [51] The first group, represented by such figures as Polyxena or Cassandra, are depicted as being on the verge of marriage or else eminently marriageable; they narrate their girlhood and lament the marriage they should have had. The second group of women have been married but are often depicted as young brides, cruelly separated from their newly wed husbands. All use the language of lament to speak out about their own suffering and the consequences of war for women.

Marginal Figures and Choral Authority

The central importance of the chorus for the theme and plot of any given drama is underscored by the titles assigned to these tragedies by our sources, which frequently name the play after the composition of the chorus (e.g., the Libation Bearers of Aeschylus or the Trachinian Women of Sophocles). Choruses comprising captive women are a relatively common feature of Greek tragedy. It is therefore important to consider the significance of choral identity and the function of choruses in general if we are to assess the thematic impact of captive women and their laments in tragedy.

The choral singing and dancing of young men in tragic choruses is only one component of tragedy’s engagement with feminine modes of discourse, however, and is part of a larger structure. The classic study in English of the feminine and the theater is Froma Zeitlin’s Playing the Other (1996), which draws on her own earlier pathfinding work and that of other scholars such as Nicole Loraux and Jean-Pierre Vernant. In her analyses of several individual works of epic, tragedy, and comedy, Zeitlin articulates the theory that Greek tragedy uses the feminine to explore the masculine, and it does so under the aegis of the god Dionysus, who is the god most clearly associated with the crossing of boundaries and the impersonation of the other. The experience of “playing the other” belongs to both the actors on stage and the spectators in the audience, and it is by no means confined to the playing of female {22|23} roles by male actors. The tragedies of Euripides offer the most complete exploration of the phenomenon:

By viewing these plots the audience becomes inextricably involved in tragedy’s exploration of the feminine, even if only temporarily:

Here I am less interested in the experience of the professional first, second, and third actors who act out the plot and more interested in that of the non-professional chorus members. What is their connection to the feminine aspects of Greek drama, and to the experience and emotions of the audience? One well known if not universally accepted answer has been {23|24} proposed by John Winkler, who emphasized the ephebic dynamic of the chorus. [
59] He noted that chorus members were typically young men at the age at which they would undergo military training, and he pointed out the many similarities between what we know of the choreography of the chorus and military formations and drills. [60] Winkler argued that the focus of the City Dionysia was in fact the ephebes, and that the festival was a kind of civic initiation, or in Winkler’s words, “a social event focused on those young warriors.” [61] He saw the training involved in choral dancing to be rigorous and highly disciplined. The ephebes who danced in the chorus became a representative subgroup of the ephebate as whole, making a display of the military training that they were in the process of undergoing.

Learning Lessons from the Trojan War

Sometimes the chorus makes specifically Athenian connections with their song that perhaps provide a clue to their function. When Hecuba’s daughter Polyxena goes off to her death earlier in the Hecuba, this is the song of her fellow captive women:

Χο. αὔρα, ποντιὰς αὔρα,/ἅτε ποντοπόρους κομί-/ζεις θοὰς ἀκάτους ἐπ’ οἶδμα λίμνας,/ποῖ με τὰν μελέαν πορεύ-/σεις; τῶι δουλόσυνος πρὸς οἶ-/κον κτηθεῖσ’ ἀφίξομαι; ἢ/Δωρίδος ὅρμον αἴας,/ἢ Φθιάδος ἔνθα τὸν/καλλίστων ὑδάτων πατέρα/φασὶν Ἀπιδανὸν πεδία λιπαίνειν;

ἢ νάσων, ἁλιήρει/κώπαι πεμπομέναν τάλαι-/ναν, οἰκτρὰν βιοτὰν ἔχουσαν οἴκοις,/ἔνθα πρωτόγονός τε φοῖ-/νιξ δάφνα θ’ ἱεροὺς ἀνέ-/σχε πτόρθους Λατοῖ φίλον ὠ-/δῖνος ἄγαλμα Δίας;/σὺν Δηλιάσιν τε κού-/ραισιν Ἀρτέμιδος θεᾶς/χρυσέαν τ’ ἄμπυκα τόξα τ’ εὐλογήσω;

ἢ Παλλάδος ἐν πόλει/τὰς καλλιδίφρους Ἀθα-/ναίας ἐν κροκέωι πέπλωι/ζεύξομαι ἆρα πώ-/λους ἐν δαιδαλέαισι ποι-/κίλλουσ’ ἀνθοκρόκοισι πή-/ναις ἢ Τιτάνων γενεάν,/τὰν Ζεὺς ἀμφιπύρωι κοιμί-/ζει φλογμῶι Κρονίδας;

ὤμοι τεκέων ἐμῶν,/ὤμοι πατέρων χθονός θ’,/ἃ καπνῶι κατερείπεται/τυφομένα δορί-/κτητος Ἀργεΐων· ἐγὼ/δ’ ἐν ξείναι χθονὶ δὴ κέκλη-/μαι δούλα, λιποῦσ’ Ἀσίαν,/Εὐρώπας θεραπνᾶν ἀλλά-/ξασ’ ᾍδα θαλάμους.

Euripides, Hecuba 444-483 {26|27}

CHORUS: Breeze arising from out the deep, breeze that escorts swift, sea-faring ships to harbors across the surging sea! Where will you take me, the child of sorrow? To whose house shall I be brought, acquired to be his slave? To some haven in the Dorian land, or in Phthia, where they say the Apidanus river, father of fairest streams, makes the land fat and rich?

Or to an island home, sent on a voyage of misery by oars that sweep the sea, leading a piteous life in halls where the first-created palm and the laurel tree put forth their sacred shoots for dear Latona, as a memorial of her divine birth-pains? And there with the maidens of Delos shall I hymn the golden head-band and bow of Artemis their goddess?

Or in the city of Pallas, the home of Athena of the beautiful chariot, shall I upon her saffron robe yoke horses to the car, weaving them on my web in brilliant varied shades, or [shall I weave] the race of Titans, whom Zeus the son of Kronos lays to their unending sleep with his bolt of flashing flame?

Here the chorus wonders where they will be taken and what their lives will be like. The ode is remarkable in that it combines the questions and traditional themes of sorrow typical of the captive woman’s laments with the far away locations of an escape song. But equally striking are the references to Athenian institutions and song traditions. The Ionian festival in honor of Apollo on Delos had special significance for the Athenians. [
70] And in the second strophe the chorus alludes to the festival of the Panathenaia in Athens, imagining that they might be weavers of the Panathenaic peplos. This is an unrealistic speculation of course—only the most high born of Athenian citizen women and girls were chosen for this task. In the Trojan Women, the chorus goes even further: they hope that of all places in Greece they will be taken to Athens, “the famous and blessed land of Theseus.” [71]

Such passages, which praise Athenian institutions and religious traditions, do not necessarily blur the distinction between Athenian and Trojan, a phenomenon that I explore throughout this book, but may in fact have {27|28} the opposite effect. In Chapters 4 and 5 I argue that these passages highlight Athenian participation in the Trojan War on the side of the Achaeans, and thus ask the Athenian audience to contemplate the plight of their historical victims, as well as those of the current war. That the actions of the Athenians are not outright condemned is clear from these very same passages, which portray Athens as holy and famous and powerful. This is how Athens imagines that it is seen in the eyes of others, including those of its enemies and victims in war. The passages then are a testament to the complexity of tragedy as a civic institution, in that they combine an awareness of Athens’ prominence and power with a respect for the helpless victims of war.

Euripides’ Hecuba and Trojan Women were produced within a relatively brief period of history, however, and I have understood them to be reflective of a particular time period, the height of the hostilities known collectively as the Peloponnesian War. It is appropriate that the mixture I have outlined in this book of pride and self reflection, pity for the victims of war, and fear for their own potential losses be experienced and transmitted to the audience by a group of young men who in their dancing and singing as a chorus represent the Athenian ephebate. These young men will be the very ones soon fighting for Athens, and they will be in a position to either sack cities in victory or lose their lives defending their wives, mothers, and children. In this way the educational, initiatory, civic, and personal aspects of the choral experience come together most acutely in the role of captive women during this time period.

In Chapter 3, I argue in support of the thesis of Gloria Ferrari that the Athenians of the mid-fifth century BC could identify easily with the Trojans as a people whose homes and temples had been destroyed by an invading army. The vengeful laments of the chorus of Trojan women in the Libation Bearers may well have resonated with the Athenian audience on that level. For the chorus of young men playing the role, the lamentation and anger of the Trojan women within the already Atheno-centric construct of the Oresteia could have instructed them in the history of their city, inspired in them a determination to make Athens a world power, and initiated them into manhood through the experience of playing the ultimate other.

A generation after the Oresteia, the Trojan War had not lost its programmatic centrality in Athenian myth, literature, and art, but the lessons to be learned from the Trojan War had changed. Whereas once the Athenians could distance themselves from the sackers of Troy and the atrocities they committed, by the third quarter of the fifth century BC Athens had become a major sea power and had acquired an empire. [73] The fact that now Athens had become the sacker of cities and a world power makes the deployment of the captive woman’s lament on the tragic stage all the more remarkable. Nevertheless, as I investigate the place of the captive woman’s lament in Athenian tragedy, I hope to show that the exploration of sorrow through the eyes of the enemy is at the heart of ancient Greek literary, performative, and artistic expression. In doing so I rely on the work of a number of scholars who in the past decade have examined Greek lament, women’s speech and the representation of women in Greek tragedy, the Greek construction of the barbarian, and the fall of Troy in Greek poetry in art, as well as those who have produced critical editions of the plays that I discuss. It is my hope that in assembling these manifold and illuminating resources for an exploration of the captive woman’s lament I not only demonstrate the importance of this group of songs for our understanding of tragedy, but also offer new insight into the Athenian conception of their own identity and their relationship with the Trojan past. {29|}


[ back ] 2. Cf. Weil 1945 [translation by Mary McCarthy in Miles 1986, 191-92]: “here [in Attic tragedy] the shame of the coerced spirit is neither disguised, nor enveloped in facile pity, nor held up to scorn; here more than one spirit bruised and degraded by misfortune is offered for our admiration.”

[ back ] 3. On the internalized lamentation of Odysseus and the identification of the lamenting woman see Nagy 1979, 100-101. On Odysseus as one of his own victims see also Foley 1978, 7.

[ back ] 4. See Dué 2002, 5-11.

[ back ] 5. I will return to this well-known simile in Chapters 4, 5, and 6, where I will discuss its associations with both lamentation and vengeance in the context of both epic and tragedy.

[ back ] 6. Weil 1945 [in Miles 1986, 189]. Weil’s well-known essay was written in 1940, during the occupation of France.

[ back ] 7. On this point, see also Scodel 1998, who cites Iliad 2.354-55: τὼ μή τις πρὶν ἐπειγέσθω οἶκον δὲ νέεσθαι/πρίν τινα πὰρ Τρώων ἀλόχῳ κατακοιμηθῆναι. “Let no one hasten to return home before sleeping beside a wife of the Trojans.” It should be noted, however, that this is said in the context of paying the Trojans back for the theft of Helen (2.356: τίσασθαι δ’ Ἑλένης ὁρμήματά τε στοναχάς τε “and getting payment for his struggles and groans in connection with Helen”).

[ back ] 8. See Nagler 1974, 44-63 and Monsacré 1984, 68-69. See also again the extract from the Seven Against Thebes, cited above, which likewise equates the tearing of a woman’s veil with the capture of a city.

[ back ] 9. Helen is a special case. As I argue elsewhere, Helen (the wife/stolen concubine of Paris) evokes the captive woman in a foreign land, longing for legitimate status. This is especially true when she laments Hektor. See Dué 2002, 67.

[ back ] 10. See “Lamentation and the Hero” in Nagy 1979, 94-117 and Dué 2002, 67-81.

[ back ] 11. On the Trojan War as a subject for tragedy see Aristotle, Poetics 1459b.

[ back ] 12. For tragedy, see Hall 1989, 211-223, Croally 1994, 110-115, and Saïd 2002. For Athenian treatment of Trojans in art, see Anderson 1997 and Ferrari 2000. For the Persians, see Ebbott 2000 and 2005. For the Homeric epics, see Mackie 1996, Erskine 2001, 51-60, and chapter 3.

[ back ] 13. These dichotomies have been powerfully analyzed over the past few decades by a variety of scholars. See, e.g., Dubois 1984, Goldhill 1986, Loraux 1986, Hall 1989 and 1996, Cartledge 1993, and Croally 1994. For a theoretical critique of the limits of this kind of binary analysis see Gellrich 1995.

[ back ] 14. Foley 2001, 333.

[ back ] 15. On the space between polarities that tragedy opens up, see also Gellrich 1995 and Ebbott 2005.

[ back ] 16. My use of the term tragedy here of course assumes that tragedy must be sorrowful. For further discussion, see Chapter 2 and the Conclusion.

[ back ] 17. Alexiou 1974.

[ back ] 18. A good introduction to the topic can be found in Griffith 2001. See also Easterling 1987, Bouvrie 1991, Seidensticker 1995, and Foley 2001.

[ back ] 19. See, e.g., McClure 1999 and Lardinois and McClure 2001. In general McClure has a far more pessimistic view of the significance attached to women’s speech in Greek drama than I employ in this book. It should be noted, however, that I am addressing a particular genre of women’s song, the lament, which I argue was the one sanctioned genre within which women could speak out in the Classical period, both on stage and in life. I acknowledge that lament was viewed as potentially dangerous and attempts were made to suppress it in the Archaic and Classical periods. But as Loraux has shown, even while attempts were made to suppress the mourning voice of women in the polis, in tragedy it took center stage, and the ritual lament of women at funerals was never successfully suppressed. (See Chapter 1.) McClure’s work does not emphasize lament as a genre of speech in Greek tragedy (see, however, Lardinois and McClure 2001, 10); if she had, our work might have more points of contact.

[ back ] 20. On the stylized representation of various genres of verbal art in Greek epic see Martin 1989 and especially p. 225. On the relationship between actual funerary practices and the laments of Greek tragedy see Foley 2001, 21-29.

[ back ] 21. For ancient Greek laments see Alexiou 1974, Vermeule 1974, Loraux 1986, Sultan 1993, McClure 1999, Murnaghan 1999, and Dué 2002; for continuity in modern communities see Alexiou 1974 and 2001, Danforth 1982, Caraveli 1986, Seremetakis 1990 and 1991, Holst-Warhaft 1992, Herzfeld 1993, and Sultan 1999. See also the recent bibliography on lament in Roilos and Yatromanolakis 2001. Tsagalis 2004 appeared unfortunately only after this book was already in press. I have, however, made reference to it in the text wherever possible.

[ back ] 22. For the Greek tradition (ancient and modern), see especially Alexiou 1974, 21-22 and 124-25, Caraveli 1986, Serematakis 1990 and 1991, Holst-Warhaft 1992, and Foley 2001, 19-56. For parallels in other cultures see Nenola-Kallio 1982, Raheja and Gold 1994, Abu-Lughod 1999, and Davidson 2000. On the pervasive presence of the “abandoned woman” and her subversive role in literature, see Lipking 1988 and Hagedorn 2004.

[ back ] 23. Although most extant archaic lyric poetry is fragmentary, it too provides a great deal of evidence. See Alexiou 2002, 103-104. Of interest to this study are not only the thrênoi of the lyric poets (Simonides fragments 520-531 and Pindar fragments 129-139, on which see, e.g., Derderian 2001) but also the various compositions of Stesichorus and other lyric poets who treated the fall of Troy theme in their poetry. Stesichorus composed long narrative poems on many epic themes, including a Sack of Troy and a Nostoi (“Homeward Voyages”). Unfortunately, only meager amounts of this poetry survive beyond the titles. Gregory Nagy has demonstrated the way that the final lines of Sappho 44, The Wedding of Hektor and Andromache, interact with Iliadic epic traditions about Apollo, Hektor, and Achilles. (Πάον’ ὀνκαλέοντες ἐκάβολον εὐλύραν / ὔμνην δ’ Ἔκτορα κἈνδρομάχαν θεοεικέλο[ις “Calling upon Paon the far-darter with the beautiful lyre, to sing of Hektor and Andromache the godlike.”) See Nagy 1974, 134-39 and 1999, 28-29. On wedding songs as laments, see Chapter 1.

[ back ] 24. There are important exceptions to this formulation, of course. One of these is the burial of Astyanax in the Trojan Women, another is the lamentation that takes place at the tomb of Agamemnon in the Libation Bearers. I would argue however, that even where we do find funerals or any of the various funeral rituals in tragedy, they are abnormal, corrupt, or otherwise extraordinary in some way. Foley 2001 deliberately focuses her study on the laments that do take place in a ritual context, while noting that the language of lament is used in a variety of other contexts in tragedy. See also Segal 1993, 15, for a discussion of the way that tragedy incorporates and transforms various forms of song by separating them from their cultic occasion.

[ back ] 25. Of the complete plays, fragments, and titles of Greek tragedies that survive, the following are a small selection of likely examples of tragedies whose structures revolve around extended laments: Phrynichus’ Capture of Miletus and Phoenician Women; Aeschylus’ Libation Bearers, Niobe, Phrygians or Ransom of Hektor, Thracian Women, and Salaminian Women; Sophocles’ Aikhmalotides (“Captive Women”), Andromache, Electra, Polyxena; Euripides’ Andromache, Bacchae, Hecuba, Suppliants, and Trojan Women.

[ back ] 26. Segal 1993, 16.

[ back ] 27. Segal 1993, 13-15.

[ back ] 28. Alexiou 1974, 133. See also Lohmann 1970, 108-12, Foley 1991, 168-74, and Tsagalis 2004, 46-47.

[ back ] 29. On this point see also Nagy’s discussion of the terms thrênos and goos in tragedy (Nagy 1994-1995 and 1998). See Dué and Nagy 2003 for an introduction to Greek hero cults.

[ back ] 30. Barlow 1986, 35.

[ back ] 31. Alexiou 1974, 84.

[ back ] 32. The translations here are Alexiou’s (1974, 84).

[ back ] 33. Cf. Persians 249-252, discussed in chapter 2, below.

[ back ] 34. See Alexiou 1974, 131-60 and Tsagalis 2004, 48-50.

[ back ] 35. Fragment 909.372 (Nauck). Translation is Alexiou’s.

[ back ] 36. See Alexiou 1974, 161-65 and 182-84.

[ back ] 37. On the mourning woman’s fears for her own future see also Herzfeld 1993.

[ back ] 38. Cf. similar exchanges at Hecuba 414-431 and Andromache 504-536.

[ back ] 39. See Chapter 2.

[ back ] 40. On the contrast between past and present as a typical theme of Greek laments see Alexiou 1974, 165-77 and Tsagalis 2004, 44-45, and as a typical theme of Greek love songs, see Carson 1986, 117-122.

[ back ] 42. Cf. Andromache’s rhetorical question just a few lines earlier: ὡς δεινὰ πάσχω. τί δέ με καὶ τεκεῖν ἐχρῆν ἄχθος τ’ ἐπ’ ἄχθει τῷδε προσθέσθαι διπλοῦν; “What terrible things I have suffered! Why did I have to give birth and add sorrow on top of sorrow?” (395-396). On the wish for death as a typical theme of Greek laments see Alexiou 1974, 178-181 and Tsagalis 2004, 42-44.

[ back ] 43. The translation here is that of Lloyd 1994.

[ back ] 44. Translation after E. P. Coleridge (London: George Bell and Sons, 1891). For another female chorus that proposes a new kind of song to be sung, representing an alternative tradition about women, cf. Medea 410-445.

[ back ] 45. These are extremely difficult lines to translate, and I consulted many published translations in order to formulate my own. The adjective καράτομος (“headless”) in line 564 agrees with the abstract noun ἐρημία (“desolation, being left alone”) and is thought to refer to the murdered husbands of the Trojan women, who are then raped in their beds. I have translated it literally in order to reproduce the Greek as accurately as possible. It is not entirely clear on which noun the genitive νεανίδων in line 565 depends, but it is most closely connected with στέφανον and I have translated accordingly.

[ back ] 46. On the equivalence of kleos and penthos in Greek epic, see Nagy 1979, 94-117 and Chapter 1, p. 000.

[ back ] 47. I don’t mean to suggest that the actions of the Greeks were praised or sanctioned in the Ilioupersis tradition. In the Iliad, the gods express outrage at the mutilation of Hektor’s corpse by Achilles, but the poem is nevertheless a song of kleos. Also, as I discuss in Chapter 1, epic poetry often incorporates the song traditions of women within the epic narrative, particularly laments, so that in epic too lament can provide an alternative perspective on the action.

[ back ] 48. Translation is after that of E. P. Coleridge (London: George Bell and Sons, 1891).

[ back ] 49. Alexiou 2002, 113. Included in Alexiou’s list are also some men: Ajax, Oedipus, and Philoctetes. For Ajax, see discussion below, p. 000. Although lament seems to have been the particular province of women, men do lament in Greek epic and tragedy (see, e.g., Monsacré 1984; Foley 2001, 28-29).

[ back ] 50. For modern Greek parallels, see Caraveli-Chavez 1978. In the modern Greek tradition many laments for the dead are also wedding songs, and, as was the ancient practice, young people who die before marriage are buried in their wedding clothes. (See Alexiou 1974, 120-2 and Danforth 1982, 74-91; for parallels in the Russian tradition, see Nagy 1994/5[b], 51.) On shared themes and metaphors, see also Alexiou and Dronke 1971 and Alexiou 2001, 399-410). The conflation of marriage and death in ancient Greek literature and art has been well studied—see, e.g., Seaford 1987, Rehm 1994, Ferrari 2003, 190-193.

[ back ] 51. Dué 2002, 65.

[ back ] 52. See, e.g. Vernant 1990, as well as the modifications, clarifications, and further development offered by Longo 1990, Henrichs 1994/5 and 1996, Nagy 1994/5, and Goldhill 1996.

[ back ] 53. Gould 1996, 224. On this view of the chorus see also Mastronarde 1998. On the marginal identity of many Greek choruses see also Foley 2003. On marginal characters (including but not limited to choruses) in Greek tragedy, see Ebbott 2005.

[ back ] 54. Goldhill 1996 has in fact carefully answered the arguments of Gould 1996 and in my opinion establishes the collectivity of the chorus as one of the several authoritative voices within the agôn of a given tragedy.

[ back ] 55. Foley 2001 and 2003.

[ back ] 56. Foley 2001, 6 and Calame 1994/5, who also cites the important work of Webster 1970 and Herington 1985 in this area. On the choral performances of actual young women (as opposed to young men playing women), see Calame 1999(a).

[ back ] 57. Zeitlin 1996, 364-5.

[ back ] 58. Zeitlin 1996, 364. Zeitlin finds a great deal of support for her arguments in the work of Plato, in which the figure of Socrates objects to tragedy for the same built-in structures that Zeitlin articulates. The impersonation of women and social inferiors such as slaves and the enaction of feminine emotions were thought to be dangerous for the citizen and the city (see Foley 2001, 13). See also Foley, 2001, 109-21 on Plato and Aristotle’s discussions of women and the feminine in Greek tragedy.

[ back ] 59. Winkler 1985 and 1990(b). Not all scholars have accepted the arguments of Winkler in their entirety. I focus here on the components of Winkler’s discussion that he himself considered the least speculative.

[ back ] 60. See also Pickard-Cambridge 1968, 232-57 and the collected primary sources in Csapo and Slater 1994, 360-68.

[ back ] 61. Winkler 1990(b), 37. Other scholars have since built on the work of Winkler, emphasizing initiatory/rites of passage themes in the surviving Greek tragedies. See especially the collected essays in Padilla 1999.

[ back ] 62. Winkler 1990(b), 60.

[ back ] 63. Winkler 1990(b), 60.

[ back ] 64. Nagy 1994/5, 49-50.

[ back ] 65. Ebbott 2005. On this point see also Goldhill 1996, 253.

[ back ] 66. See also Zeitlin 1990 and Vidal-Naquet 1997.

[ back ] 67. Goldhill 1986, 140. (See also pp. 266-74 and Calame 1999[a], 221-44.)

[ back ] 68. On the didactic aspects of Greek tragedy see, e.g., Gregory 1991, Cartledge 1997, 19-20, and Goldhill 1997, 66-67.

[ back ] 69. Translation after Coleridge 1891.

[ back ] 70. On the Ionian festival on Delos see Thucydides 3.104.

[ back ] 71. τὰν κλεινὰν εἴθ’ ἔλθοιμεν Θησέως εὐδαίμονα χώραν (Trojan Women 208-209). See also Chapter 5. Choral odes in other tragedies also single out Athens for praise. See, e.g., Medea 824-849 and Oedipus at Colonus 668-719.

[ back ] 72. This particular chorus of captive women and their role as lamenters and initiators of revenge has been well studied. See especially Alexiou 1974, Holst-Warhaft 1992, Seaford 1994, Ferrari 1997, and Foley 2001.

[ back ] 73. On this point see the readings of the Hecuba and Trojan Women in Gregory 1991.